Antiquities (Greek Text) Book 14.

Last of the Hasmoneans. Roman rule begins. Herod is made king

1. Hyrcanus agrees to Aristobulus as king. Hyrcanus flees to Aretas

2. Aristobulus besieged in Jerusalem; Scaurus relieves him. Death of Onias

3. Aristobulus and Hyrcanus dispute the kingship; Pompey suports Hyrcanus

4. Pompey storms Jerusalem. Beginning of Roman rule in Judea

5. Scaurus supports Aretas of Petra. How Gabinius treated Judea

6. Aristobulus escapes from Rome but is sent back. Victories of Gabinius

7. Crassus sacks the temple; his death. Cassius rules Syria & goes to Judea

8. Jews join Julius Caesar's campaign in Egypt. Antipater honoured by Caesar

9. Antipater appoints his sons Phasael and Herod as officers

10. Honours paid by the Romans to their Jewish allies

11. Death of Julius Caesar; Cassius in Judea. Herod avenges his father's death

12. Herod wins Judea; makes friends with Mark Antony, who defends him

13. Antony makes Herod and Phasael "tetrarchs." Parthian setback; Herod flees

14. Herod escapes to Egypt, then to Rome. Has himself made king of the Jews

15. Herod returns to Judea, to defeat Antigonus and win the kingdom

16. Herod marries Mariamne, takes Jerusalem; ends Hasmonean rule in Judea

Chapter 1. [001-018]
Aristobulus is accepted as king. Hyrcanus asks Aretas for help

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001 In the preceding book we have told of queen Alexandra and her death. We will now tell what followed afterward; but before going on let us declare that our main concern is to omit none of the facts, through ignorance or laziness. 002 While reporting and explaining things that many do not know, because of their distance from our times, it must be done in appropriate style, with apt, well chosen words and figures of speech to add to the readers' pleasure, 003 so that they may enjoy learning about what we write. And yet, the main things authors must aim at is to speak accurately and truly, to satisfy those who do not know the facts and must trust what these writers tell them.

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004 Hyrcanus began his reign on the third year of the hundred and seventy-seventh Olympiad, when Quintus Hortensius and Quintus Metellus, called Metellus of Crete, were consuls in Rome. Soon Aristobulus began to make war against him, and when Hyrcanus came to battle at Jericho, many of his soldiers deserted him and went over to his brother. 005 Then Hyrcanus fled to the citadel, where, as already said, his mother had imprisoned Aristobulus's wife and children, and attacked and overcame his enemies who had fled there and were within the walls of the temple. 006 When he sent a message to his brother about reaching an agreement, he set aside his enmity to him on condition that Aristobulus be king, and that he himself would live without meddling in public affairs and quietly enjoy the estate he had acquired. 007 When they agreed on these terms in the temple and confirmed the agreement with oaths and handshakes with each other and embracing in the sight of the whole crowd, they left, Aristobulus to go to the palace, and Hyrcanus to go as a private citizen to the former house of Aristobulus.

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008 But a friend of Hyrcanus, an Idumaean called Antipater, who was very rich and by nature an active and rebellious man, who was hostile to Aristobulus and at odds with him due to his friendship towards Hyrcanus. 009 While Nicolaus of Damascus says that Antipater was descended from prominent Jews who returned from Babylon into Judea, that assertion was simply to gratify Herod, who was his son and who, by certain turns of fortune, later came to be king of the Jews, whose history we shall later give in its proper place. 010 This Antipater was at first called Antipas, for that was his father's name, of whom it is said that king Alexander and his wife made him general of all Idumaea and that he made a pact of friendship with the Arabs and Gazites and Ascalonites of his own party and had, by many large gifts, made them his firm friends. 011 This younger Antipater resented the power of Aristobulus and feared that he might do him some harm, because he hated him, so he stirred up the most powerful of the Jews and privately spoke against him, saying it was wrong to ignore the conduct of Aristobulus, who had unjustly seized the leadership and deposed his brother, who was the elder and should retain what was his by prerogative of birth. 012 These things he said repeatedly to Hyrcanus, telling him that his life would be in danger unless he protected himself and got rid of Aristobulus; for the friends of Aristobulus missed no chance to advise him to kill him, for only then would he be sure to retain the kingship. 013 Hyrcanus disbelieved these words, being of a gentle disposition and unwilling to accept calumnies against others. This temperament, unwilling to take part in public affairs and lacking in spirit, made observers think him degenerate and unmanly, but Aristobulus was of a different temper, with an active and generous soul.

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014 Though Antipater saw Hyrcanus ignoring what he said, day after day he never ceased accusing Aristobulus of crimes and telling him that he wanted to kill him, and so, by constantly urging him, persuaded him to fly to Aretas, the king of Arabia, with the promise that if he would took his advice, he would help him and go with him. 015 Hearing this, he said it would be good for him to escape to Aretas, for Arabia is a country bordering on Judea. But Hyrcanus first sent Antipater to the king of Arabia, for an assurance that if he came to him seeking help, he would not hand him over to his enemies. 016 When Antipater was so assured, he returned to Hyrcanus in Jerusalem. Soon afterwards he stole from the city by night along with Hyrcanus and travelled a long journey and brought him to the city called Petra, where the palace of Aretas was. 017 As he was a friend of the king, he urged him to restore Hyrcanus to Judea and he continued to make this request every day, also promising to give him gifts if he did so, and finally persuaded Aretas. 018 Hyrcanus also promised that when he returned and received his kingdom, he would restore the area and those twelve cities that his father Alexander had taken from the Arabs, which were Medaba, Naballo, Libias, Tharabasa, Agala, Athone, Zoar, Orone, Marissa, Rudda, Lussa and Oruba.

Chapter 2. [019-033]
Aretas and Hyrcanus besiege Aristobulus in Jerusalem. Scaurus relieves the siege. Death of Onias.

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019 Impelled by these promises Aretas marched against Aristobulus with an army of fifty thousand cavalry and infantry and defeated him in battle and after the victory many deserted to Hyrcanus so that, left alone, Aristobulus fled to Jerusalem. 020 The king of the Arabians then took all his army and attacked the temple and besieged Aristobulus there, with the people in support of Hyrcanus and helping in the siege, while nobody stayed with Aristobulus except the priests. 021 Holding together the forces of the Arabs and the Jews, Aretas pressed ahead strongly with the siege. As this happened during the celebration of the feast of unleavened bread, which we call Passover, the leading Jews left the country and fled into Egypt. 022 There was a righteous and godly man named Onias who during a drought had prayed to God to put an end to the intense heat and God had heard his prayers and sent them rain. This man had gone into hiding because he foresaw that this revolt would last a long time, but they brought him to the Jewish camp and asked him, that just as he had once put an end to the drought by his prayers, so now he would put a curse on Aristobulus and his fellow-rebels. 023 Though he argued against this and begged to be excused, the crowd still forced him to speak, so he stood up among them and said, 024 "O God the King of all, since those standing here with me are your people and the besieged are your priests, I beg you you not to hear these people's prayers against the others, nor do what the others are urging against these." But so wicked were the Jews standing around him that as he prayed this they did away with him.

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025 God immediately punished them for their savagery avenged the murder of Onias, in this way: While the priests and Aristobulus were under siege, the feast called Pascha arrived, when it is our custom to offer many sacrifices to God. 026 Lacking the victims they needed, Aristobulus' group wanted their countrymen outside to provide them, at whatever price they might require, and when they demanded a thousand drachmae for each head of livestock, Aristobulus and the priests willingly agreed and those inside let down the money over the walls and gave it to them. 027 But when they got the money the others did not deliver the victims, but wickedly broke the assurances they had given and affronted God by not furnishing the sacrifices to those who needed them. 028 The priests who were cheated implored God for vengeance on their countrymen and their punishment was not delayed for he sent a strong storm of wind that destroyed the fruits of the whole country, until a modius of wheat then bought among them for eleven drachmae.

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029 Meanwhile Pompey sent Scaurus to Syria, while he was himself in Armenia at war with Tigranes, but when Scaurus reached Damascus and found that Lollius and Metellus had newly taken the city, he proceed on into Judea. 030 When he arrived, envoys came to him from both Aristobulus and Hyrcanus, each asking him to be their ally. As both of them promised him money, Aristobulus four hundred talents and Hyrcanus no less, he accepted the promise of Aristobulus, 031 who was rich and generous and looked for nothing but what was fair, whereas the other was poor and niggling and made unbelievable promises, hoping for greater things. It was not the same thing to take a city that was very strong and powerful, as to expel from the country some fugitives and a crowd of Nabateans, who were not adept at war. 032 For the reasons mentioned he made an agreement with Aristobulus and took his money and ended the siege and ordered Aretas to depart or he would declare him an enemy of Rome. 033 Then Scaurus returned to Damascus and Aristobulus with a large force made war on Aretas and Hyrcanus and fought them at a place called Papyron and defeated them in the battle and killed about six thousand of the enemy, and among the fallen was Phalion, the brother of Antipater.

Chapter 3. [034-053]
Aristobulus and Hyrcanus argue their claims to rule; the Roman, Pompey, sides with Hyrcanus.

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034 Soon afterwards Pompey came to Damascus and as he came to Coele-Syria envoys reached him from all Syria and Egypt and also from Judea, for Aristobulus had sent him a large gift of a a golden vine to the value of five hundred talents. 035 Strabo of Cappadocia mentions this gift in these words: "A delegation came from Egypt, with a crown to the value of four thousand pieces of gold, and from Judea came either a vine or a garden, an artefact that they called the delight. 036 We ourselves have examined this gift, which is kept in Rome in the temple of Zeus Capitolinus, and is inscribed: The gift of Alexander, the king of the Jews. It was valued at five hundred talents, and is said to have been sent by Aristobulus, the ruler of the Jews."

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037 Soon more envoys came to him, Antipater on behalf of Hyrcanus and Nicodemus on behalf of Aristobulus. The latter accused first Gabinius and then Scaurus of taking bribes, the one three hundred talents and the other four hundred, which made enemies of both of them, besides those he already had. 038 Telling the disputants to come to him early in the spring, he [Pompey] brought his army from winter quarters and marched into the district of Damascus, and as he went along he demolished the citadel that Antiochus Cyzicenus had built in Apameia, 039 and took note of the district of Ptolemy Mennaeus, just as evil a man as Dionysius of Tripoli, whom he had beheaded, though he was his relative by marriage; but Ptolemy bought off the punishment of his crimes for a thousand talents, with which money Pompey paid his soldiers' wages. 040 He also conquered the place called Lysias, of which Silas a Jew was tyrant. When he had passed by the cities of Heliopolis and Chalcis and crossed the mountain on the ??borders of Coele-syria, he came from ??Pella to Damascus. 041 There he heard the cases of the Jews and of their leaders Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, who were at odds with each other, and the nation's rejection of them both, not wishing to be under a monarchy since their tradition was to obey the priests of the God they worshipped, and although both of these were the descendants of priests, they were trying to change the government of their nation into another form, in order to enslave them. 042 Hyrcanus complained that although he was the elder he was deprived of his birthright by Aristobulus and was left with just a small part of the country, Aristobulus having taken the rest from him by force. 043 He also accused him of raiding the neighbouring lands and of piracy promoted by him at sea, and said that the nation would not have rebelled if Aristobulus had not been so violent and disorderly,. This accusation, which was confirmed by Antipater and was supported by no fewer than a thousand of the most highly esteemed among the Jews. 044 But the other countered that his brother's inactive, unimpressive nature made him unfit for leadership and that he was compelled to take it upon himself for fear it would pass to others, and that his title was no more than his father Alexander had taken. 045 He also called in his support some free-spirited young men whose purple clothing, long hair and other ornaments gave offence as they appeared not like people pleading in a court of justice, but like marchers in a ceremonial procession.

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046 When Pompey had heard the cases of these two and had condemned the violence of Aristobulus, he spoke mildly to them and sent them off, saying that he would settle all their affairs when he came again into their country, after first viewing those of the Nabateans. Meanwhile he ordered them to be at peace., but treated Aristobulus politely in case he should make the nation revolt and hinder his return; 047 ?? however Aristobulus did, for without waiting for any further decision, as Pompey had promised them, he went to the city of Delius and from there marched into Judea.

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048 Pompey was angry at this behaviour, and taking with him from Damascus the army he was leading against the Nabateans and the allies from the rest of Syria, with the other Roman legions he had with him, he marched against Aristobulus. 049 As he passed past Pella and Scythopolis, he came to Coreae, where Judea begins if one travels through the interior, and arrived at a most beautiful fortress, built on the top of a mountain called Alexandreion, where Aristobulus had fled and he sent him orders to come out to him. 050 Under persuasion by many not to make war with the Romans, he came down, and after disputing with his brother about the rights to the leadership, he went up again to the citadel, with Pompey's permission. 051 He did this a second and a third time, flattering himself with hopes of having the kingdom granted to him, and pretending that he would obey whatever Pompey might order, while at the same time retiring to his fortress, so as not to humble himself too much and be ready for war if, as he feared, the royal power were granted to Hyrcanus. 052 When Pompey ordered him to hand over his fortresses and with his own hand to write to their officers to that effect, for they would not be surrendered in any other way, he submitted but retired to Jerusalem disgruntled, and made preparation for war. 053 Soon afterwards as Pompey was leading his army against him some people from Pontus told him that Mithridates was dead, killed by his son Pharmaces.

Chapter 4. [054-079]
Pompey captures Jerusalem. Beginning of Roman rule in Judea

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054 He then encamped near Jericho, where the palm trees grow and that most precious ointment of all, balsam, which oozes out like a juice when an incision is made in the wood with a sharp stone, and in the morning he marched to Jerusalem. 055 Aristobulus now repented and came to Pompey, promising him money and that he would welcome him into Jerusalem, and imploring him to abandon the war and then do in peace whatever he pleased. So Pompey forgave him and sent Gabinius with some soldiers, to take possession of the money and the city. 056 But this pact was not kept, and Gabinius returned after being barred from the city and receiving none of the promised money, since Aristobulus's soldiers would not let the agreements be carried out. 057 Pompey was infuriated by this and put Aristobulus in prison and came personally to the city, which was strong on every side, except the north, where it was not so well fortified. A wide and deep ditch surrounded the city, including within it the temple, which was itself surrounded by a very strong stone wall.

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058 There was dissension among those inside the city, on what to do in the circumstances. Some thought it best to hand the city over to Pompey, but Aristobulus's party wanted the gates kept shut, since he was in prison. These made the first move and seized the temple and cut off the bridge leading from it to the city and prepared for a siege. 059 The others let in Pompey's army and surrendered to him both the city and the king's palace. So Pompey sent his lieutenant Piso with an army and placed garrisons in the city and the palace, to secure them, and fortified the houses near the temple as well as others that were some distance away. 060 At first he offered a truce to those inside, but when they would not listen to him, he surrounded all that area with a wall, in which Hyrcanus gladly helped him, and Pompey camped inside it, to the north of the temple, where it was most practicable. 061 Even on that side there were big towers and a ditch had been dug and there was a deep ravine around it, very steep on the side towards the city after the bridge by which Pompey had entered had been broken down. But day by day, with much effort, a rampart was raised, while the Romans cut down materials for it from the places round about. 062 When the ditch was filled up enough, and with difficulty, due to its depth, he brought his machines and battering-rams from Tyre and setting them up, battered the temple with his catapults. 063 If not for the ancestral practice of resting on the seventh day, the opposition would not have let this bank be built, for though our law allows self defence on that day if others start a battle, nothing is allowed if the enemy is otherwise engaged.

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064 As the Romans knew this, on those days we call the Sabbath they threw nothing at the Jews, and did not attack them, but raised their walls and towers and brought forward their machines, ready to use them the following day. 065 One can see from this how greatly we reverence God by observing his laws, since during this siege fear did not make the priests neglect their liturgies, but twice a day, at dawn and about the ninth hour, they offered the sacred rites on the altar, never omitting the sacrifices even in the difficulty caused by the attacks. 066 The city was taken on the third month, on the day of the fast, in the hundred and seventy-ninth Olympiad, in the consulate of Gaius Antonius and Marcus Tullius Cicero. Even when the enemy attacked them and cut the throats of those who were in the temple, 067 those offering the sacrifices still could not be forced to flee, either for fear of their lives, or because of the numbers already killed. Whatever happened, they thought it better to suffer at their altars than to neglect what the laws required of them. 068 That this is no mere boast, or a false claim just to prove the level of our piety, but is the real truth, I appeal to those who have written of the acts of Pompey, among them, Strabo and Nicolaus and also Titus Livius, who wrote the History of Rome, who will attest this.

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069 When the battering-ram was brought up, the biggest of the towers was shaken and fell down and opened a gap in the fortifications, so the enemy quickly poured in. Cornelius Faustus, son of Sylla, with his soldiers, was the first to climb the wall and after him, on the other side, centurion Furius with his followers, while in the middle, Fabius, also a centurion, climbed it with a compact group of men. 070 Now came wholesale slaughter. Some of the Jews were killed by the Romans and some by each other, and some even threw themselves down the precipices, or put fire to their houses and burned them, unable to face their fate. 071 About twelve thousand of the Jews died, but very few of the Romans. Absalom, who was both uncle and father-in-law to Aristobulus, was taken prisoner, and significant sins were committed near the temple itself, which, in former times had been inaccessible and seen by none. 072 Pompey entered it with quite a few of his companions and saw what it was unlawful for anyone to see except the high priests. There were the golden table, the holy candlestick and the pouring vessels and a large extent of spices, and in the treasury there were two thousand talents of sacred money. But he touched none of this, out of respect for religion, and on this point he acted in a way worthy of his virtue. 073 The next day he ordered those in the charge of the temple to cleanse it and to make to God the offerings required by the law, and he restored the high priesthood to Hyrcanus, for he had been useful to him by persuading the Jews in the country not to help Aristobulus in his war against him, and in other ways. He executed those who had started the war, and duly rewarded Faustus and the others who had bravely scaled the wall. 074 He made Jerusalem pay tax to the Romans and took away those cities of Coele-Syria which the people of Judea had subdued and put them under the command of the Roman governor and confined within its own borders the whole nation, which before had been so puffed up. 075 To gratify his freedman, Demetrius of Gadara, he rebuilt Gadara, which a little earlier had been demolished, and restored the rest of the inland cities, Hippos and Scythopolis and Pella and Dios and Samaria, and Marissa and Azotus and Jamneia and Arethusa, to their own inhabitants. 076 Besides those that had been demolished and the maritime cities of Gaza and Joppa and Dora and Strato's Tower - which Herod gloriously rebuilt and adorned with harbours and temples and changed its name to Caesarea - all these Pompey annexed and joined to the province of Syria.

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077 This grief that befell Jerusalem was caused by Hyrcanus and Aristobulus, in their quarrel against each other, for then we lost our freedom and became subject to the Romans and lost the territory we had gained from the Syrians by war, and were compelled to restore it to the Syrians. 078 Soon the Romans exacted from us more than ten thousand talents, and the leadership, a dignity formerly given to those who were high priests by family inheritance, went to private citizens. But of these matters we shall treat in their proper places. 079 Pompey entrusted Coele-Syria as far as the river Euphrates and Egypt, to Scaurus, with two Roman legions, and then left for Cilicia and hurried to Rome. He brought with him as prisoners Aristobulus and his children, for he had two daughters and as many sons, one of whom escaped, but the younger, Antigonus, was brought to Rome, along with his sisters.

Chapter 5. [080-091]
Scaurus in league with Aretas of Petra. Gabinius treatment of Judea, after defeating Alexander

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080 Scaurus now set out against Petra in Arabia and because access to it was difficult, burned all the places round about it. Then when his army was short of food, Antipater, at the direction of Hyrcanus, furnished him with corn from Judea and anything else he needed. 081 Then, sent by Scaurus as envoy to Aretas, with whom he had formerly been a visitor, he persuaded him to pay money to prevent the burning of his country and undertook to be his guarantor for three hundred talents. On these terms Scaurus ended the war, as much at his own wishes as those of Aretas.

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082 Some time later, when Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, invaded Judea, Gabinius came from Rome as commander to Syria, and did many things worthy of note, including making war on Alexander, whose power Hyrcanus was not yet able to match, although already, against the opposition of the Romans there, he was trying to rebuild the wall of Jerusalem, which Pompey had knocked down. 083 Alexander went around the region arming many of the Jews and quickly gathered ten thousand armed infantry and fifteen hundred cavalry and fortified the stronghold of Alexandreion near to Coreae, and Machaerus near the mountains of Arabia. 084 Gabinius went to oppose him, sending Mark Antony and some other officers ahead of him. These armed their Roman followers and also the Jews subject to them, whose officers were Pitholaus and Malichus, and joined by the friends of Antipater they faced up to Alexander, while Gabinius and his forces followed up. 085 At this Alexander retreated to the neighbourhood of Jerusalem, where they met each other in a pitched battle, and the Romans killed about three thousand of the enemy and took no less a number alive.

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086 Meanwhile Gabinius came to Alexandreion and invited those inside to surrender it on terms, promising pardon for their former offenses. But as the Romans attacked many of the enemy who had encamped outside the fortress, Mark Antony was notable in the conflict and killed many and was seen to have done admirably. 087 Gabinius left part of his army there to take the place while he himself went to other parts of Judea giving directions to rebuild all the cities that he saw had been demolished. 088 Among the places rebuilt at which time were Samaria, Azotus, Scythopolis, Anthedon, Rapheia and Adora, Marissa and Gaza and not a few others. Acting on Gabinius's command, these cities which had been a long time desolate were then securely inhabited.

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089 When he had done this in the country, he returned to Alexandreion, and tightened the siege of the place. Alexander then sent him a delegation asking pardon for his former offenses and surrendering the fortresses of Hyrcania and Machaerus, and finally Alexandreion, which Gabinius demolished. 090 When Alexander's mother, who sided with the Romans as her husband and other children were in Rome, came to him, he granted her whatever she asked, and after settling matters with her, he brought Hyrcanus to Jerusalem and entrusted to him the care of the temple. 091 Distributing the nation into five parts he set up five councils to ruled them; one in Jerusalem, another in Gadara, one in Amathus, a fourth in Jericho and the fifth in Sepphoris in Galilee. So the Jews were now freed from monarchic authority and were ruled by an aristocracy.

Chapter 6. [092-104]
Captive Aristobulus escapes from Rome but is sent back. Gabinius beats both Alexander and the Nabateans

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092 Aristobulus fled from Rome to Judea and set about the rebuilding of Alexandreion, which had been newly demolished. Then Gabinius sent soldiers against him, under the command of Sisenna and Antonius and Servilius, to stop him from taking over the country and to take him prisoner. 093 Many of the Jews ran to Aristobulus because of his former glory and because they would welcome a change of regime. A man called Pitholaus, a lieutenant in Jerusalem, deserted to him with a thousand men. 094 However many of those who came to him were unarmed, and when Aristobulus decided to go to Machaerus he dismissed those people, because they were unarmed and could not be useful to him in any actions he undertook, but took with him eight thousand who were armed and marched on. 095 When the Romans made a strong attack on them the valiant Jews were defeated in the battle, and despite their courageous struggle were routed by the enemy and put to flight, and about five thousand were killed and the rest scattered and tried to save themselves any way they could. 096 Aristobulus still had more than a thousand with him and with these he fled to Machaerus and fortified the place, and despite his failure still had some hope of success. But after he had struggled against the siege for two days and been wounded many times, he was brought as a prisoner to Gabinius, with his son Antigonus, who had also fled with him from Rome. 097 Such was the fate of Aristobulus, who was sent back again to Rome and there was kept in chains, after being king and high priest for three years and six months, and an eminent man of great spirit. But the senate let his children go, when Gabinius wrote to them that he had promised this to their mother when she surrendered the fortresses to him, and so they returned to Judea.

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098 When Gabinius was on campaign against the Parthians and had crossed the Euphrates, he changed his mind and decided to return into Egypt, to restore Ptolemy to his kingdom, as has been reported elsewhere. 099 During this campaign, on orders from Hyrcanus, he was supplied with corn and weapons and money by Antipater, who also won the support of the Jews who were above Pelusium and guarded the passes leading into Egypt. 100 When he returned from Egypt, he found Syria suffering from revolt and upheaval, for Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, having seized the leadership a second time by force, got many of the Jews to rebel with him, and so marched over the country with a large army, killing all the Romans he could find, and proceeded to besiege the mountain called Garizim, to which they had retreated.

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101 Finding Syria in such a state, Gabinius sent Antipater, who was a prudent man, to the rebels to see if he could cure them of their madness and persuade them to come to a better mind. 102 On his arrival he brought many of them to a sound mind and got them to do their duty but he could not restrain Alexander, for he with his army of thirty thousand Jews met Gabinius in battle and was defeated and ten thousand of his men fell near Mount Itaburion.

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103 So Gabinius settled matters relating to the city of Jerusalem according to the mind of Antipater and then tackled the Nabateans and overcame them in battle, and courteously dismissed the Parthian fugitives Mithridates and Orsanes, though it is reported that they ran away from him. 104 After performing great and distinguished exploits in his campaigns, Gabinius returned to Rome, handing over to Crassus. Nicolaus of Damascus and Strabo of Cappadocia describe the wars of Pompey and Gabinius with the Jews, neither of them adding anything new which is not in the other.

Chapter 7. [105-126]
Crassus pillages the temple, but is killed by the Parthians. Cassius rules Syria and goes to Judea

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105 As Crassus was going on campaign against the Parthians, he came to Judea and carried off the two thousand talents of money in the temple, which Pompey had left, and wanted to rob the sanctuary of all its gold, valued at eight thousand talents. 106 He also took a bar of solid beaten gold, weighing three hundred minae, and our mina weighed two pounds and a half. It was the priest named Eleazar, the guardian of the sacred treasury, who gave him this bar, though not wickedly, 107 for he was a good and a righteous man, but being entrusted with the custody of the veils belonging to the temple, which were admirable in beauty and of very costly workmanship and hung down from this beam, when he saw that Crassus was busily gathering money and was afraid for the entire ornaments of the temple, he gave him this bar of gold as a ransom for the rest, 108 having received his oath not to remove anything else from the temple, but be satisfied with what he was about to give him, which was worth many thousands. This beam was hidden in a hollow wooden beam and was hidden from others and entrusted to Eleazar alone. 109 Crassus took this bar, promising to touch nothing else in the temple but then broke his oath and took away all the gold from the sanctuary.

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110 And let no one be surprised that there was so much wealth in our temple, since from very ancient times all Jews throughout the world and worshippers of God, even those of Asia and Europe, sent their contributions to it. 111 The amount of this money is not unattested nor is its greatness due to our vanity, as if we boasted of it groundlessly, for many writers can witness for us and particularly Strabo of Cappadocia, who says, 112 "Mithridates sent to Cos and took the money which queen Cleopatra had deposited there, and eight hundred talents belonging to the Jews." 113 Now we have no public treasury except that dedicated to God, and clearly the Asian Jews had transferred this money for fear of Mithridates, for it is not likely that those of Judea, who had a strong city and temple, would send their money to Cos; nor is it likely that the Jews in Alexandria would do so either, since they had no fear of Mithridates. 114 Strabo himself bears witness to the same thing in another place, that when Sylla crossed into Greece for his war against Mithridates, he sent Lucullus to put an end to a revolt in Cyrene raised by our nation, of whom the world is full. He speaks as follows: 115 "There were four classes in the city of Cyrene; one of citizens, another of farmers, the third of aliens and the fourth of Jews. This group has already reached every city and it is hard to find a place in the world that has not admitted this tribe and is not dominated by them. 116 In fact Egypt and Cyrene who are ruled by the same leaders and many other nations, imitate their lifestyle and maintain great bodies of these Jews in a special way and through them grow to greater prosperity and even follow the traditional Jewish laws. 117 There are places assigned for the Jews in Egypt to live, besides the large part of the city of Alexandria that is set apart for this nation. They are also allowed an ethnarch, who governs the nation and administers justice to them and takes care of their contracts and their laws, as if he were the ruler of a free state. 118 In Egypt, this nation is powerful, therefore, because the Jews were originally Egyptians and because the land where they live after they went out from there, is near to Egypt. They also moved into Cyrene, a land bordering on the realm of Egypt, as does Judea, and was formerly under the same government." This is what Strabo says.

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119 When Crassus had settled everything to his satisfaction he marched into Parthia, where both he himself and all his army died, as we have said elsewhere. Later Cassius, as he fled from Rome to Syria, occupied it and put a stop to the Parthians, who had made incursions upon it since their victory over Crassus. 120 As he was returning to Tyre, he also went up into Judea. There Tarichea soon fell to him and he took about thirty thousand people as prisoners, and as Pitholaus was continuing the rebellious behaviour of Aristobulus, he killed him at the persuasion of Antipater. 121 The latter showed a great interest in him and was at that time also highly reputed among the Idumaeans. He married a wife of that nation named Cypros, the daughter of an eminent family and by her he had four sons, Phasael and Herod who later became king, and Joseph and Pheroras, and a daughter, named Salome. 122 This Antipater also cultivated friendship and mutual favour with other powerful people, but especially with the king of Arabia, to whom he entrusted his children during his struggle with Aristobulus. So Cassius moved his camp and marched to the Euphrates, to confront his attackers there, as has been reported by others.

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123 Some time later Caesar, after taking Rome and when Pompey and the senate had fled beyond the Ionian Sea, freed Aristobulus from his chains and decided to send him into Syria giving him two legions to bring order to the country in which he was so powerful. 124 But Aristobulus did not get to enjoy what he hoped for from the power granted to him by Caesar, for Pompey's party forestalled him and killed him by poison, and Caesar's party buried him. His corpse lay for a good while embalmed in honey, until Antony later sent it to Judea and had him buried in the royal tombs. 125 Then Scipio, sent by Pompey to kill Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, making the young man answer for the offenses he had earlier committed against the Romans, cut off his head, and so he died in Antioch. 126 But the ruler of Chalcis below Mount Libanus, Ptolemy, the son of Mennaeus, took care of his brothers and sent his son Philippion to Askalon to Aristobulus's wife asking her to send back with him her son Antigonus and her daughters. One of them, Alexandra, was loved and wedded by Philippion, though later his father Ptolemy killed him and married Alexandra but continued to take care of her brothers.

Chapter 8. [127-155]
The Jews join Julius Caesar's campaign in Egypt. Antipater honoured by Caesar and the Athenians

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127 After Pompey's death and Caesar's victory over him, Antipater, who governed the Jews, at the orders of Hyrcanus became very useful to Caesar when he made war on Egypt. 128 For when Mithridates of Pergamon was bringing allies to him and could not continue his march through Pelusium, but was obliged to stay at Askalon, Antipater came to him with three thousand Jewish warriors and arranged for the leading Arab to become his allies. 129 On his account too, all the Syrians came to his aid, not wanting to seem to be lax in their support for Caesar, including the ruler, Jamblicus, and Ptolemy the son of Soemus, who lived in Mount Libanus and almost all the cities. 130 So Mithridates marched from Syria and came to Pelusium, and besieged the city when the people would not admit him. Antipater distinguished himself there and was the first to tear down part of the wall and open a breach for the others to enter the city and so Pelusium was taken. 131 The Jews living in the district named after Onias wanted to block the forces of Antipater and Mithridates on their way to Caesar, but Antipater persuaded them to come over to their side, as he was of their race, especially by showing them the letters of the high priest Hyrcanus, urging them to cultivate friendship with Caesar and to supply his army with money and all the provisions they needed. 132 When they saw Antipater and the high priest of the same mind, they did as they were asked; and when those near Memphis heard it, they too invited Mithridates, so he came and received them into his army also.

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133 When he had gone around the area called the Delta, they fought a battle with the enemy near the place called the Jewish Camp, with Mithridates on the right wing and Antipater on the left. 134 In the fight, the wing of Mithridates yielded and was in extreme danger, until Antipater came running to him along the river-bank with his own men, after already defeating the enemy facing him; so he saved Mithridates and put the victorious Egyptians to flight. 135 He also took their camp and continued the pursuit and recalled Mithridates, who had been worsted and had retreated a long way off, and eight hundred of his soldiers fell, but only fifty of Antipater's. 136 Mithridates sent an account of this battle to Caesar and publicly declared that Antipater was the victor and had saved his life, so that Caesar commended Antipater at the time and throughout the rest of the war used him for the most dangerous undertakings; and in one of those engagements he happened to be wounded

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137 When after some time, Caesar had finished that war and sailed away for Syria, he honoured him greatly and confirmed Hyrcanus in the high priesthood, and gave Roman citizenship to Antipater and exemption from taxes everywhere. 138 Many say that Hyrcanus went with Antipater on this campaign and went in person to Egypt. Strabo of Cappadocia bears witness to this, when he says so, in the name of Asinius: "After Mithridates had invaded Egypt and with him Hyrcanus the high priest of the Jews." 139 The same Strabo says again, in another place, in the name of Hypsicrates, that Mithridates at first went out alone, but Antipater, who was in charge of Judea, was called by him to Askalon and prepared three thousand soldiers to accompany him and encouraged other officers of the land to do so, and that Hyrcanus the high priest was also present in this campaign. This is what Strabo says.

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140 But Antigonus the son of Aristobulus went to Caesar at this time to lament his father's fate, and complained that it was by through Antipater that Aristobulus was killed by poison and his brother beheaded by Scipio and asked him to take pity on him who had been expelled from the realm which was his due. He also accused Hyrcanus and Antipater of ruling the nation by violence and being injust to himself. 141 Antipater was present and made his defence to the accusations against him. He proved that Antigonus and his party were given to revolt and sedition and reminded Caesar of the hardships he had endured alongside him in his wars and spoke of what he had witnessed himself. 142 He added that Aristobulus had been justly brought to Rome, as an enemy of the Romans and could never be made a friend to them and that his brother got from Scipio no more than he deserved, being convicted of robberies, and that this was not inflicted on him by way of violence or injustice.

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143 When Antipater had made this speech, Caesar appointed Hyrcauus as high priest and offerred Antipater any realm he might choose, leaving the decision to himself, and then made him procurator of Judea. 144 He gave Hyrcanus leave to raise up the walls of his native city, when he asked him for that favour, as they had been demolished by Pompey. This grant he sent to the consuls to Rome, to be engraved in the capitol. The decree of the senate was as follows: 145 "Lucius Valerius, son of general Lucius, referred this to the senate, on the Ides of December, in the temple of Concord. Present at the writing of this decree were Lucius Coponius, son of Lucius Collina, and Papirius Quirina. 146 Alexander, son of Jason and Numenius, son of Antiochus, and Alexander, son of Dositheus, envoys of the Jews, worthy men and allies, have spoken of renewing their previously existing pact of goodwill and friendship with the Romans 147 and as a mark of the alliance have brought a shield of gold, valued at fifty thousand gold pieces and asked to be given letters to the free cities and kings, that their land and harbours be left in peace and that no wrong may be done to them. 148 It was decided to decree our friendship and goodwill with them and to grant them whatever they needed and to accept the shield brought by them. This was done in the ninth year of Hyrcanus the high priest and ethnarch, in the month Panemus." 149 Hyrcanus also received honours from the people of Athens for having been useful to them on many occasions for they sent him a decree, as follows "Under the guidance and priesthood of Dionysius Asclepiados, on the five days before the end of the month Panemus, the Athenians voted this decree proposed by their leaders. 150 Under the rule of Agathocles, with Eucles of Alimusia, the son of Menander, as scribe, in the month Munychion, on the eleventh day of their term, at a meeting in the theatre Dorotheus Erchieus and his fellow officers put it to the people after Dionysius, son of Dionysius, had spoken. 151 Since Hyrcanus, son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnareh of the Jews, continues his goodwill towards our people in general and each of our citizens and shows them every favour, and when any of the Athenians come to him, whether as envoys or privately, he receives them cordially and ensures their safe-conduct, 152 as has been testified to us already, it is now also decreed, at the report of Theodosius of Sounion, the son of Diodorus, reminding the people of the virtue of this man and his intention to do us all the good he can, 153 to honour him with a crown of gold, the reward proposed by law, and to erect a brass statue of him in the temple of Demus and of the Graces, and that this gift of a crown be publicly proclaimed in the theatre during the new tragedies at the Dionysian festival and in the Panathenean and Eleusinian festivals and the gymnastic games; 154 and that while he maintains his friendship and goodwill towards us, the officers shall ensure that all possible honour and favour be shown to him for his affection and generosity, to display our people's appreciation for good men and so that he continue in his concern for us, in light of the honours we have paid to him. 155 Envoys shall also be chosen among all the Athenians, to bring this decree to him and ask him to accept the honours offered to him and to always seek ways of doing good to our city." So we have shown the honours paid to the high priest Hyrcanus by the Romans and the people of Athens.

Chapter 9. [156-184]
Antipater appoints his sons Phasael and Herod. They rule Jerusalem and Galilee, respectively

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156 Caesar sailed away after settling affairs in Syria, and when he had conducted him out of Syria, Antipater returned to Judea, and at once raised again the wall which Pompey had demolished and by by his arrival pacified the disturbance in the country, both by threats and advising them to calm down. 157 Those who sided with Hyrcanus would prosper, he said, and lead their lives in undisturbed enjoyment of their possessions, but if they pinned their hopes on rebellion and aimed to become rich thereby, they would find him a despot instead of a guide and Hyrcanus a tyrant instead of a king and the Romans and Caesar bitter enemies instead of rulers, for that they would never let the man they had appointed to govern be set aside. Having said this to them, he brought the country to calm.

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158 Then seeing the slowness and sloth of Hyrcanus, he made his eldest son Phasael ruler of Jerusalem and the surrounding places and entrusted Galilee to his next son Herod, who was then very young, just fifteen years old. 159 His youth was no obstacle but as he was a young man of noble mind he soon found an opportunity to display his courage, for finding out about Ezekias, a leader of brigands who with a large gang of overran the neighbouring parts of Syria, he captured him and killed him, as well as many of other brigands along with him. 160 The Syrians loved him dearly for this exploit, for they had longed to see their country freed from this nest of brigands and he cleaned it up for them. So they sang his praises in their villages and cities for ensuring them the safe enjoyment of their possessions, and for this he became known to Sextus Caesar, the governor of Syria and a relative of the great Caesar. 161 Phasael was prompted to emulate the actions of his brother Herod, ambitious to earn no less a fame than his and won a fine reputation among the people of Jerusalem by ruling the city with no mismanagement nor abuse of his authority. 162 This won for Antipater a royal regard from the nation and the sort of honour suited to an absolute lord of the land. Yet this glory did not in the least, as often happens, weaken his proper goodwill and fidelity towards Hyrcanus.

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163 But seeing Antipater and his sons gaining so much goodwill from the nation and prospering with the revenues they received from Judea and from Hyrcanus's own wealth, the leading Jews came to resent him. 164 Antipater had cultivated friendship with the rulers of Rome, and when he persuaded Hyrcanus to send them money he acted as if the gift were his own and took and sent it as if he and not Hyrcanus were the giver. 165 Hyrcanus heard of it but did not worry about it, but the Jewish leaders were fearful, since they saw Herod as a violent, audacious man with a tendency to tyranny, so they went to Hyrcanus and publicly accused Antipater and said, "How long will you be quiet while things such as this are done? Don't you see how Antipater and his sons have already seized power and that you are king in name alone? 166 Do not ignore these matters, or think to escape danger by being so careless of yourself and of your kingdom. Antipater and his sons are not acting as stewards on your behalf. Make no mistake about it: clearly they are like absolute lords. 167 By killing Ezekias and his companions, Antipater's son Herod has broken our law which forbids us to kill anyone, even a criminal, unless he is first condemned to death by the Sanhedrin, yet he has insolently done so without any authority from you."

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168 When Hyrcanus heard this, he had to agree, and the mothers of people who had been killed by Herod roused his anger too, for those women continued every day in the temple, persuading the king and the people that Herod ought to be tried before the Sanhedrin for what he had done. 169 Hyrcanus was so moved by these complaints that he summoned Herod to trial for the accusations against him. He came too, but his father had persuaded him to arrive not as a private citizen, but with a bodyguard, and that when he had well settled the affairs of Galilee, he should go to his trial enough men to ensure his security on his journey, not so great a force as might look like intimidating Hyrcanus, but sufficient not to leave him unarmed and unguarded. 170 Sextus the governor of Syria wrote to Hyrcanus asking him to cancel Herod's trial and threatening him if he disobeyed. This letter of Sextus ensured that Hyrcanus saved Herod from any harm from the Sanhedrin, and furthermore, he loved him like a son. 171 When Herod stood before the Sanhedrin surrounded by his legion, he scared them all and none of his former accusers dared after that bring any charge against him, and in the deep silence nobody knew what to do. 172 In that instant Sameas, a righteous man and for that reason fearless, stood up and said, "My colleagues and my king, neither I nor you have never known such a case, that one called to trial by us ever stood before us in such a manner. For everyone, no matter who he is, coming to be tried by this Sanhedrin presents himself in fear and submission and tries to move us to pity, with hair dishevelled and dressed in black. 173 Yet this fine Herod, who is accused of murder and called to answer this serious charge, stands here clothed in purple and with his hair finely trimmed and surrounded by warriors, so that if we condemn him by our law, he may kill us and save himself by doing violence to justice. 174 Yet my complaint is not against Herod himself, who is surely more concerned for himself than for the laws, but against yourselves and your king, who allow him to do so. Remember however, that God is great and that this man whom for the sake of Hyrcanus you are going to absolve and discharge will one day punish both you and the king too." 175 In neither of these predictions was he mistaken, for when Herod became king he killed Hyrcanus himself and every member of the Sanhedrin except Sameas, 176 for he regarded him highly for his righteousness and because later, when Herod and Sosius were besieging the city, he persuaded the people to welcome Herod telling them that for their sins they would not be able to escape his hands. But we will report this in its proper place.

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177 When Hyrcanus saw the members of the Sanhedrin ready to pronounce the death sentence on Herod, he postponed the trial to another day and secretly sent to Herod advising him to escape from danger by fleeing from the city. 178 So he retreated to Damascus, as though fleeing from the king, and when visiting Sextus Caesar got his assurance that if he were again summoned to trial before the Sanhedrin he need not pay and heed. 179 The members of the Sanhedrin were angry at this and tried to persuade Hyrcanus that all of this was aimed against him, which he was not unaware of but he was too unmanly and uncertain to do anything about it. 180 Sextus made Herod general of Coele-Syria, for he paid him money for it, and Hyrcanus feared that Herod would make war upon him, a fear that soon came true, for in his angry at being summoned to stand trial before the Sanhedrin, Herod brought an army to take revenge on him. 181 But his father Antipater and his brother met him to prevent him from attacking Jerusalem and calming him down they persuaded him not to take action but just to frighten them with threats and to do no more than that to the man who had granted him his dignified position. 182 Though angry at being called to trial, they asked him to remember how he was uncondemned and should be grateful for that to Hyrcanus, and not to focus only on what was disagreeable to him instead of being thankful for his safety. 183 They bade him consider that the divinity turns the scales in war, tthe outcome of battle is uncertain and so he could hardly expect victory if he fought his king who had supported him and done him many good turns and not been severe to him. After all, his accusation had been made by evil counsellors and not by the king, and his was an illusory severity rather than truly harsh. 184 Persuaded by these arguments, Herod thought it sufficient for his future hopes to have made a show of strength before the nation and done no more than that. Such was the situation of Judea at this time.

Chapter 10. [185-267]
Concessions that the Romans granted to the Jews

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185 When Caesar reached Rome, he was about to sail to Africa to fight Scipio and Cato, when Hyrcanus sent him envoys asking him to ratify their friendship and mutual alliance. 186 Here I believe I need to set forth all the honours that the Romans and their emperor paid to our nation and of the alliances they made with it, that all other people may know the regard in which the kings of Asia and Europe have held us and that they be clearly satisfied about our courage and fidelity. 187 Since many do not believe what has been written about us by the Persians and Macedonians, since those writings are not to be found everywhere, and are not set up in public places except among us and some other barbarian nations, 188 while there is no contradiction to be made against the decrees of the Romans, for they are deposited in the public places of the cities and are now in the capitol, engraved upon pillars of brass. Besides, Julius Caesar made a pillar of brass for the Jews in Alexandria and publicly declared them citizens of Alexandria. 189 From this evidences I will prove my point, and will now set down the decrees made both by the senate and by Julius Caesar, relating to Hyrcanus and to our nation.

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190 "Gaius Julius Caesar, emperor and high priest and dictator for the second time, to the officers, council and people of Sidon, greetings. If you are healthy, it is good, and I too and the army are well. 191 I have sent you a copy of that decree, registered on the tables, which concerns Hyrcanus, son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, that it may be laid up among the public records, and I will that it be publicly proposed in a table of brass, both in Greek and in Latin. 192 It is as follows: "I Julius Caesar, emperor the second time and high priest, have made this decree, with the approval of the senate. Whereas Hyrcanus, son of Alexander the Jew, has demonstrated his fidelity and diligence about our affairs and this both now and in former times, both in peace and in war, as many of our generals have borne witness 193 and came to our help in the last Alexandrian war, with fifteen hundred soldiers, and when he was sent by me to Mithridates, showed himself braver than any others in the ranks. 194 Therefore I will that Hyrcanus, son of Alexander and his children, be ethnarchs of the Jews and hold the high priesthood of the Jews for ever, according to their ancestral customs and that he and his sons be our allies, and that all of them of them be listed among our friends. 195 I also ordain that he and his children should have the privileges belonging to the office of high priest, and any favours granted to them up to now, and if later any questions arise about Jewish customs, I want them judged by him. And I do not think they should have to find us winter quarters, or that any money be demanded of them."

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196 The decrees of Gaius Caesar, consul, containing what has been granted and decided, are as follows: That his children shal rule the Jewish nation and have the profits from the places granted to them and that he, as high priest and ethnarch, be the defender of any Jews unjustly treated. 197 Envoys shall be sent to Hyrcanus, son of Alexander, the high priest of the Jews, to discuss a pact of friendship and alliance, and a brass plaque containing the premises, shall be publicly displayed in the capitol and at Sidon and Tyre and Askalon and in the temple, engraved in Roman and Greek letters, 198 and this decree shall also be communicated to the quaestors and praetors of the various cities and to the friends of the Jews. The envoys shall be given gifts, and these decrees shall be published everywhere."

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199 "Gaius Caesar, emperor, dictator, consul, in acknowledgment of the man's honour and virtue and favour and for the advantage of the senate and of the people of Rome, has granted that Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his children, shall be high priests and priests of Jerusalem and of the Jewish nation, by the same right by which their ancestors held the priesthood."

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200 "Gaius Caesar, consul the fifth time, has decreed that Hyrcanus, son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, shall hold the city of Jerusalem and may wall it round and retain it as he pleases, 201 and that the Jews be exempted a corus from their tax every second year the land is rented, and that their tax not be farmed out or they always be liable to the same tax."

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202 "Gaius Caesar, emperor the second time, has ordained that apart from Joppa, they shall pay a yearly tax for the city of Jerusalem, except for the seventh year which they call the sabbath, since on it they do not harvest the fruits of their trees, or sow their land. 203 On the following year, in Sidon, they shall pay as their tax a fourth of what was sown, and besides, they must pay to Hyrcanus and his sons the same tithes as they paid to their ancestors. 204 Let nobody, whether ruler or lieutenant or envoy, raise allies within the borders of Judea; nor may soldiers demand money from them for winter quarters or any other pretext, but let them be wholly free from oppression. 205 Any property that they acquire and occupy or buy shall be theirs. We also will that the city of Joppa, which the Jews formerly owned when they entered into friendship with the Romans, shall be theirs as before, 206 and that for this city, Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, and his sons must collect as a land-tax from the inhabitants and send to Sidon, twenty thousand six hundred and seventy-five modii every year, except for the seventh year, which they call the Sabbath, when they neither plough, nor take the produce of their trees. 207 The senate also wills that Hyrcanus and his descendants keep the villages they formerly held in the great plain, with the same rights as before. 208 The original rights between the Jews and their high priests shall remain in force, as shall the benefits granted them by the [Roman] people and senate, and let the same rights also apply to Lydda.
209 The senate also allows Hyrcanus the ethnarch and the Jews to hold those places, land and villages which belonged to the kings of Syria and Phoenicia, allies of the Romans, and which they freely gave over to them to exploit. 210 It is also granted to Hyrcanus and his sons and the envoys they sent to us, to be seated among the senators at the fights of gladiators and of beasts, and when they wish to speak to the senate, to be introduced by the dictator or by the cavalry master, and that their answers shall be given in ten days at the latest, after the senate's decree about them is made."

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211 "Speech of Gaius Caesar, emperor, dictator the fourth time and consul the fifth time, assigned as dictator for life, about the rights and privileges of Hyrcanus, the son of Alexander, high priest and ethnarch of the Jews. 212 Since the rulers who have been in the provinces before me have testified in the presence of the senate and people of Rome, to Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews and to the Jews themselves, and the people and senate thanked them, it is good that we now remember this and make provision to reward Hyrcanus, his children and the Jewish nation, from the senate and people of Rome, in a manner worthy of their goodwill towards us and the benefits they have bestowed upon us."

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213 "Julius Gaius, praetor and consul of the Romans, to the officers, council and people of the Parians, greetings. The Jews in Delos and some other Jews who passed through there, have told us, in the presence of your envoys, that by decree you forbid them to follow their ancestral customs and ways of worship. 214 I do not want such decrees made against our friends and allies, forbidding them to live by to their own customs and send contributions for common suppers and holy festivals, which they are not forbidden to do even in Rome itself. 215 Even Gaius Caesar, our emperor and consul, in a decree forbidding the Bacchanal rioters to meet in the city, still let the Jews and them alone, send their contributions and celebrate their suppers. 216 While forbidding other religious assemblies I permit this people to assemble and celebrate according to their ancestral customs and laws. If you have made any decree against these our friends and allies, abrogate them because of their virtue and goodwill towards us."

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217 After the death of Gaius, when Mark Antony and Publius Dolabella were consuls, they assembled the senate and introduced Hyrcanus's envoys and spoke of what they desired and made a pact of friendship with them. The senate also decreed to grant them all they asked. 218 I add the decree itself, that those who read the present work may have beside them the proof of what we say; it was this:

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219 "The decree of the senate, copied from the treasury, from the public tables of the quaestors, when Quintus Rutilius and Quintus Cornelius were quaestors for the city and taken from the second table of the first row, on the third day before the Ides of April, in the Temple of Concord. 220 Present at the writing of this decree were ??Lucius Calpurnius Menenia Piso, Servinius Papinins Lemonia Quintus, Gaius Caninius Terentius Rebilus, Publius Tedetius Pollia, son of Lucius, Lucius Apulius Sergia, son of Lucius, Flavius Lemonia, son of Lucius, Publius Platius Papyria, son of Publius, Marcus Sellius Maikia, son of Marcus, Lucius Erucius Stelletinus, son of Lucius, Marcus Quintus Plancillus Polliius, son of Marcus, and Publius Serius. 221 Publius Dolabella and Mark Antony, the consuls, spoke to the senate about this decree, that Gaius Caesar had given judgement about the Jews but that the decree been still not been brought into the treasury, "So it is our will, and that of our consuls, Publius Dolabella and Mark Antony, to have these decrees entered into the public tables and brought to the city quaestors, that they may see to have them inscribed on double-sided tables. 222 This was done before the fifth of the Ides of February, in the Temple of Concord. The envoys from Hyrcanus the high priest were Lysimachus, son of Pausanias, Alexander, son of Theodore, Patroclus, son of Chereas and Jonathan the, son of Onias."

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223 Hyrcanus also sent one of these envoys to Dolabella, who was then prefect of Asia asking him to exempt the Jews from military services and protect their ancestral customs and let them to live according to them. 224 This was done without difficulty. For when Dolabella received Hyrcanus's letter, without further consideration he sent a letter to all in Asia and particularly to the city of the Ephesians, the capital of Asia, about the Jews. The letter contained the following:

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225 "In the presidency of Artemon, on the first of the month Leneon. Dolabella, emperor, to the officers, senate and people of Ephesus, greetings. 226 Alexander, son of Theodore, the envoy of Hyrcanus, son of Alexander, the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, appeared before me, to show that his countrymen could serve as soldiers, as they may not bear arms or travel on the sabbath days, or be easily provided with the kind of food they are traditionally accustomed to eat. 227 I therefore grant them exemption from army service, as prefects before me have done and permit them to use their ancestral customs and gather for holy and religious purposes as their law requires, and for the offering of sacrifice, and I want you to write this to each of the cities."

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228 These were the concessions Dolabella made to our people when Hyrcanus sent envoys to him. The consul Lucius Lentulus said: "At my tribunal I concede to these Roman citizens who are Jews living in Ephesus but follow the Jewish religion, freedom from military service on account of their superstition. Granted on the twelfth before the the calends of October, when Lucius Lentulus and Gaius Marcellus were consuls. 229 Present were Titus Appius Balgus, son of Titus and lieutenant of the Horatian tribe; Titus Tongius, son of Titus, of the Crustumine tribe; Quintus Resius, son of Quintus; Titus Pompeius Longinus, son of Titus; Catus Servilius, son of Gaius, of the Terentine tribe; Bracchus the military tribune; Publius Lucius Gallus, son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe; Gaius Sentius, son of Gaius, of the Sabbatine tribe. 230 Titus Applius Balbus, son of Titus, lieutenant and vice-praetor to the officers, council and people of the Ephesians, greetings. At my request Lucius Lentulus the consul freed the Jews living in Asia from army service and when later I made the same request to vice-praetor Phanius and vice-quaestor Lucius Antonius, they granted it too. I want you to see that no one disturbs them."

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231 The decree of the Delians. "The answer of the praetors, when Beotus was archon, on the twentieth day of the month Thargeleon. While Marcus Piso was lieutenant in our city in charge of army recruitment he called us and in the presence of many other citizens directed 232 that any Jews who are Roman citizens must not be forced into the army, because the consul Lucius Cornelius Lentulus exempted the Jews from military service, due to their religious sensitivity, and therefore we must submit to the praetor." And the Sardians made a similar decree about us.

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233 "Gaius Fannius, son of Gaius, general and consul, to the officers of Cos, greetings. I would like you to know that the envoys of the Jews have come to me asking to receive the decrees made by the senate about them, which are here subjoined. I want you to respect and take care of these men, according to the senate's decree, that they may safely go on their way home through your country."

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234 Lucius Lentulus the consul said: "I have exempted the Roman citizens who are Jews and out of religiosity appear to have and observe their Jewish rites in Ephesus. This act was on the twelfth before the of the calends of Quintilian??."

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235 "Lucius Antonius, son of Marcus, vice-quaestor and vice-praetor, to the officers, council and people of the Sardians, greetings. Our Jewish fellow citizens came to me, saying that from the beginning they had their own synod, according to their ancestral laws and a place of their own for settling lawsuits and controversies with each other. When they asked me to let them continue doing so, I judged that it should be allowed."

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236 Marcus Publius, son of Spurius, of Marcus, son of Marcus, and of Lucius, son of Publius, said: "We went and told the proconsul Lentulus of the petition of Dositheus, son of Cleopatra of Alexandria, 237 that, if he agreed he should allow the Jews who were Roman citizens to observe the Jewish rites of their superstition and he did allow them, on the twelfth before the calends of Quintilian, in the consulship of Lucius Lentulus and Gaius Marcellus.

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238 Present were Titus Appius Balbus, son of Titus, lieutenant of the Horatian tribe, Titus Tongius of the Crustumine tribe, Quintus Resius, son of Quintus, Titus Pompeius, son of Titus, Cornelius Longinus, Gaius Servilius Bracchus, son of Gaius, a military tribune, of the Terentine tribe, Publius Clusius Gallus, son of Publius, of the Veturian tribe, Gaius Teutius, son of Gaius, a milital tribune, of the Emilian tribe, Sextus Atilius Serranus, son of Sextus, of the Esquiline tribe, 239 Gaius Pompeius, son of Gaius, of the Sabbatine tribe, Titus Appius Menander, son of Titus, Publius Servilius Strabo, son of Publius, Lucius Paccius Capito, son of Lucius, of the Colline tribe, Aulus Furius Tertius, son of Aulus and Appius Menus. 240 In the presence of these Lentulus pronounced this decree: I have before the tribunal dismissed the Jews that are Roman citizens and are accustomed to observe the sacred rites of the Jews at Ephesus, due to their religious sensitivity."

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241 "The officers of the Laodiceans to Gaius Rubilius, son of Gaius, the consul, greetings. Sopater, the envoy of Hyrcanus the high priest, has delivered us a letter from you, by which he lets us know that certain envoys had come from Hyrcanus, the high priest of the Jews and brought a letter written about their nation, where they wish that the Jews may be allowed to observe their Sabbaths and other sacred rites, 242 according to their ancestral laws and that they may be under no command, because they are our friends and allies and that nobody may injure them in our provinces. Now although the Trallians there present contradicted them and were not pleased with these decrees, still you ordered that they must be observed and told us you had been asked to write this to us about them. 243 We therefore, in obedience to your instructions to us, have received the letter you sent us and have deposited it among our public records. We will also take care to be without reproach with regard to the other things about which you wrote to us."

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244 "Publius Servilius, son of Publius, of the Galban tribe, the proconsul, to the officers, council and people of the Mileslans, greetings. 245 Prytanes, son of Hermes, a citizen of yours, came to me when I was at Tralles and held a court there and told me that you used the Jews in a way different from my opinion and forbade them to celebrate their Sabbaths and to perform the Sacred rites received from their ancestors and to manage the fruits of the land, according to their ancient custom, and that he had himself been the promulger of your decree, according as your laws require: 246 I would therefore have you know, that on hearing the pleadings on both sides, I gave sentence that the Jews should not be prohibited to follow their own customs."

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247 The decree of those of Pergamus. "When Cratippus was prytanis, on the first day of the month Daesius, the decree of the praetors was this: Since the Romans, following the conduct of their ancestors, undertake dangers for the common safety of all mankind and are ambitious to settle their allies and friends in prosperity and in firm peace 248 and since the Jewish nation and their high priest Hyrcanus, sent as envoys to them, Strato, son of Theodatus and Apollonius, son of Alexander and Eneas, son of Antipater and 249 Aristobulus, son of Amyntas and Sosipater, son of Philip, worthy and good men, who gave a particular account of their affairs, the senate immediately made a decree about what they had asked them, that Antiochus the king, son of Antiochus, should do no harm to the Jews, the allies of the Romans, and that the fortresses and the harbours and the country and whatever else he had taken from them, be restored to them, and that it may be lawful for them to export their goods from their own harbours, 250 and that no king or people may have leave to export any goods either from the district of Judea or from their harbours, without paying customs, except Ptolemy the king of Alexandria, because he is our ally and friend, and that they wanted the garrison in Joppa to be expelled. 251 Now Lucius Pettius, one of our senators, a worthy and good man, ordered us to do these things according to the senate's decree, and to ensure that their envoys returned home safely. 252 So we welcomed Theodore into our council meeting and accepted from his hands the letter and the senate's decree. As he spoke with great zeal about the Jews and described the virtue and generosity of Hyrcanus 253 and how he was a general benefactor to everyone and particularly to any who apply to him, we deposited the letter in our archives, and decreed that since we too are in alliance with the Romans, we would do everything possible for the Jews, according to the senate's decree. 254 Theodore, who brought the letter, asked our praetors to send Hyrcanus a copy of that decree, and envoys to convey to him the affection of our people to him and to urge them to preserve and increase their friendship for us and be ready to bestow other benefits upon us, 255 justly expecting to receive proper return from us, and wanting them to remember that our forebears were friendly to the Jews even in the time of Abraham, the father of all the Hebrews, as we find in the public archives."

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256 The decree of those of Halicarnassus, when Memnon, son of Orestidas by descent, but by adoption of Euonymus, was priest, on the third day of the month Aristerion, the decree of the people, upon the representation of Marcus Alexander, was this: 257 "Since we have ever a great regard to piety towards God and to sanctity, and since we aim to follow the people of the Romans, who are the benefactors of all people and 258 what they have written to us about a pact of friendship and military alliance between the Jews and our city and that their sacred offices and accustomed festivals and assemblies may be observed by them; we have decreed, that as many men and women of the Jews as are willing to do so, may celebrate their Sabbaths and perform their holy offices, according to Jewish laws, and may make their proseuchae at the sea-side, according to their ancestral customs, and if anyone, whether he be a officer or private individual, hinders them from doing so, he shall be liable to a fine, to be applied to the uses of the city."

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259 The decree of the Sardians was made by the senate and people, at the request of the praetors: "Whereas the Jews who are fellow citizens and live with us in this city, have ever had great benefits heaped upon them by the people and have come now into the senate and asked the people, 260 that upon the restitution of their law and their freedom, by the senate and people of Rome, they may assemble, according to their ancient legal custom and that we will not bring any suit against them about it, and that a place may be given them where they may have their congregations, with their wives and children and may offer, as did their ancestors, their prayers and sacrifices to God. 261 The senate and people have decreed to permit them to assemble on the days formerly appointed and to act according to their own laws, and that a suitable place be set apart for them by the praetors, to be built and inhabited, and that those in charge of providing for the city shall make sure to bring into it the kinds of food they esteem fit to eat."

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262 The decree of the Ephesians, made when Menophilus was Prytanis, on the first day of the month Artemisius: "Nicanor, son of Euphemus, pronounced it, upon the representation of the praetors. 263 Since the Jews living in this city have asked Marcus Junius Pompeius, son of Brutus, the proconsul, that they might be allowed to observe their Sabbaths and to act in all things according to their ancestral customs, without impediment from anyone, the praetor has granted their petition. 264 It was decreed by the senate and people, that in this affair about the Romans none of them be hindered from keeping the sabbath day, or fined for doing so, but they be allowed to do all things according to their own laws."

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265 There are many such decrees of the senate and emperors of the Romans and those different from these before us, which have been made in favour of Hyrcanus and of our nation; and, there have been more decrees of the cities and rescripts of the praetors, to such letters as concerned our rights and privileges, and certainly people who are not ill-disposed to what we write may believe that they are all to this purpose and that by the specimens which we have inserted, 266 for since we have produced evident marks that may still be seen of the friendship we have had with the Romans and demonstrated that those marks are engraved upon columns and tables of brass in the Capitol, that axe still in being and preserved to this day, we have omitted to set them all down, as needless and disagreeable. 267 I cannot imagine anyone so perverse as not to believe the friendship we have had with the Romans, while they have shown the same by such many of their decrees relating to us; nor will they doubt of our fidelity as to the rest of those decrees, since we have shown the same in those we have produced and so have we sufficiently explained that friendship and military alliance we at those times had with the Romans.

Chapter 11. [268-296]
The murders of Sextus and of Julius Caesar; Cassius in Judea. Herod avenges his father Antipas.

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268 About this time things in Syria were disturbed for the following reason: Cecilius Bassus, one of Pompey's party, plotted against Sextus Caesar and killed him and then took over his army and the administration, so that a great war broke out near Apamia, when Caesar's generals came against him with an army of cavalry and infantry. 269 Antipater sent reinforcements to this side, along with his own sons, recalling the favours they had received from Caesar, and thinking it only right to seek vengeance for him against his murderer. 270 As the war dragged on, Mourcus came from Rome to take over the command from Sextus, but then Caesar was killed by Cassius and Brutus in the senate-house, after ruling for three years and six months. This, however, is reported elsewhere.??

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271 After the start of the war arising from the death of Caesar when all the leaders went off in all directions to raise armies, Cassius came from Rome into Syria, to take control of the camp at Apameia, 272 and having raised the siege, he brought over both Bassus and Mourcus to his side. He then went around the cities gathering weapons and soldiers and laid great taxes on them and oppressed Judea in particular, exacting seven hundred talents from it. 273 Antipater, seeing the state in such alarm and disorder, divided the collection of that sum and appointed his two sons to gather it, so that part of it was to be exacted by Malichus, who was ill-disposed to him and part by others. 274 Then since Herod was very highly favoured by Cassius for being the first to raise the required sum from Galilee, since he thought it wise to cultivate a friendship with the Romans and to gain their goodwill at the expense of others. 275 All the overseers?? of the other cities were sold as slaves, and Cassius reduced four cities to slavery, the two most powerful of which were Gophna and Emmaus, and the others Lydda and Thamna. 276 Indeed Cassius was so enraged by Malichus that he attacked and would have killed him, if Hyrcanus had not pacified him with the help of Antipater, by sending him a hundred talents.

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277 But after Cassius had left Judea, Malichus plotted against Antipater, thinking that with him dead the kingship of Hyrcanus would be secure, but this plan was not hidden from Antipater, who retreated beyond the Jordan and gathered an army comprising Arabs as well as his own countrymen. 278 However, the cunning Malichus denied the conspiracy and swore that neither himself nor his sons would ever have attempted such a thing, which was impossible, in any event, as long as Phasael had a garrison in Jerusalem and Herod had custody of the weapons. 279 So he was reconciled to Antipater and they were in harmony?? so that when Mourcus as governor of Syria came close to executing Malichus, on hearing how he was stirring trouble against Judea, he spared him at the request of Antipater.

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280 But by saving Malichus, Antipater had saved his own murderer, for now Cassius and Marcus gathered an army and left it in the care of Herod, making him general of the forces of Coele-Syria and giving him ships as well as a force of cavalry and infantry, and promising when the war was over to make him king of Judea, for war had broken out between Antony and the younger Caesar. 281 Since Malichus was most afraid of Antipater, he took him aside and bribed the butler of Hyrcanus, with whom they were invited to dine, to poison him; and then with his soldiers he would take control of the city. 282 When the sons, Herod and Phasael, learned of this conspiracy against their father they took it badly, but Malichus again denied and swore he knew nothing about the murder. 283 That was the end of Antipater, a man distinguished for his piety, righteousness and concern for his country. While one of his sons, Herod, immediately wanted to avenge their father's death and set out with an army against Malichus to do so, the elder son, Phasael, thought they should get the man into their hands by guile rather than appear to plunge the country into civil war. 284 So he pretended to accept the defense offered by Malichus and to believe that he had taken no part in the death of Antipater, and built a fine monument for his father. Then Herod too went to Samaria, and when he found it in great distress, he revived the people's spirits and brought an end to their infighting.

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285 Not long afterwards he went with his soldiers towards the city as Jerusalem was preparing for a festival, and Malichus was afraid and persuaded Hyrcanus not to allow him enter. Hyrcanus complied and excluded him, on the pretext that a crowd of strangers should not be let in while the people were performing their purifications. 286 But Herod disregarded the messengers and entered the city by night; and though Malichus was afraid he did not cease his hypocricy but shed tears for Antipater and in a loud voice mourned him as his friend. 287 Herod and his friends thought it inopportune to publicly confront Malichus's hypocrisy, but showed him signs of friendship, to keep him from suspecting them.

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288 Herod, however, sent to Cassius and told him of his father's murder. Knowing the moral character of Malichus, he replied, promising to avenge his father's death, and also sent secretly to the officers of his army in Tyre, telling them to help Herod to carry out his justified plan. 289 When Cassius had taken Laodicea, they all convened to him bringing him garlands and money, and Herod expected Malichus to get his punishment while he was there. 290 However, the latter suspected this and being close to Tyre in Phoenicia, planned an even better coup and as his son was at that time a hostage in Tyre he entered the city intending to steal him away secretly and then march from there into Judea, and while Cassius was busy with his campaign against Antony, to bring the country into revolt and to win the leadership for himself. 291 But the demon opposed his plans, and Herod being a shrewd man and perceiving his intention, sent a servant there ahead of him, ostensibly to prepare a supper, for he had had said he would give a feast there for them all, but in reality to the army tribunes, whom he persuaded to go out against Malichus with their swords. 292 So they went out and met the man on the sea-shore near the city, and there stabbed him. Hyrcanus was so shocked by his event that his speech failed him, and when with some difficulty he had recovered, he asked Herod's men about the affair and who had killed Malichus. 293 When they said it had been done by the command of Cassius, he commended the action, because Malichus was a real rogue who had conspired against his own country. This was the punishment inflicted upon Malichus for his crime against Antipater.

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294 When Cassius had returned from Syria disturbances arose in Judea, for Helix, who had been left in Jerusalem with an army, made a sudden attack on Phasael and the people rose up in arms. 295 Herod went to Fabius, the prefect of Damascus, wishing to hurry to his brother's help, but was held back by an illness that gripped him, until Phasael on his own had defeated Felix and shut him up in the tower and then released him on terms, while complaining of Hyrcanus for supporting the enemy despite the many good turns they had done for him. 296 For the brother of Malichus had got many places to rebel and put garrisons in them and in particular Masada, the strongest fortress of them all. Meanwhile Herod had recovered from his illness and came and took back all the places the enemy had taken, setting terms for them.

Chapter 12. [297-323]
Herod wins Judea from Antigonus. He gains Mark Antony's friendship, who defends him

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297 Ptolemy, the son of Mennaeus, brought back into Judea Antigonus the son of Aristobulus, who had raised an army and had bribed Fabius with money and enlisted the help of his kinsman Marion, whom Cassius had left as tyrant of Tyre, for after seizing Syria that man garrisoned it with tyrants. 298 Marion marched into neighbouring Galilee and took and garrisoned three fortresses there. When Herod came, he took them all back but kindly disbanded the Tyrian garrison, even giving gifts to some of the soldiers because of his goodwill to that city. 299 Having dealt with these matters he went to meet Antigonus, and fought and defeated him and drove him from Judea as soon as he came to its borders; and when he reached Jerusalem, Hyrcanus and the people crowned him with garlands. 300 He had already arranged a marriage-tie the family of Hyrcanus and so Herod paid him more respect, being about to marry the daughter of Alexander, son of Aristobulus, and granddaughter of Hyrcanus, by whom he became the father of three male and two female children. He had earlier married a commoner of his own nation, named Doris, by whom he had his eldest son Antipater.

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301 Antony and Caesar defeated Cassius near Philippi, as others have reported, and after the victory, Caesar went to Italy, and Antony marched for Asia; and when he arrived in Bithynia envoys came from all parts to meet him. 302 The leading Jews also arrived there to accuse Phasael and Herod, claiming that while Hyrcanus was the titular king, it was these men who held all the power. 303 But Antony had great respect for Herod, who came to him to defend himself against his accusers, so that his opponents could not even obtain a hearing; for Herod paid money to Antony for this. 304 Again, when Antony reached Ephesus, the high priest Hyrcanus and our nation sent an embassy to him, bringing him a crown of gold and asking him to write to the officers of the provinces, to free the Jews who had been taken prisoner by Cassius against the laws of war, and to restore to them the land taken in the time of Cassius. 305 Judging that the request of the Jews was justified, Antony immediately wrote to Hyrcanus and to the Jews and at the same time wrote a similar decree to the Tyrians; the contents were as follows:

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306 "Mark Antony, emperor, to Hyrcanus the high priest and ethnarch of the Jews, greetings. If you are in health, it is well; I too am in health, as is the army. 307 Lysimachus, son of Pausanias, and Josephus, son of Mennaeus, and Alexander, son of Theodore, have met with me at Ephesus to renew their mission on your behalf and that of your nation as they have already done in Rome and have duly performed their task of declaring your goodwill towards us. 308 Convinced by your words and actions, of your cordiality towards us, and knowing that your behaviour is constant and religious, I count on you as belonging on our side. 309 When our opponents and those of the Roman people overran Asia sparing neither cities nor temples and not observing their sworn agreements we took revenge, not only because of our struggle but on behalf of all mankind, on those who had been so lawless towards men and so impious towards the gods; indeed, we imagine that the sun turned aside its light, unwilling to view their terrible outrage against Caesar. 310 We have also foiled the plans that these god-haters hatched in Macedonia, whose atmosphere is notorious for impiety and rashness, and we defeated the half-mad, spiteful rabble that they gathered at Philippi in Macedonia, after seizing suitable places and, as it were, walled around with mountains to the sea, where there was only a single entrance; but we were victorious because the gods condemned those men for their unjust plotting. 311 Even Brutus, who had fled to Philippi, was shut up by us and shared the fate of Cassius, and now that these have been punished, we expect for the future to enjoy peace and that Asia will have rest from war. 312 Therefore we want to share with our allies the peace God has given us, so that by our victory the body of Asia can recover from its illness; and bearing you and your nation in mind, I am concerned to maximise whatever is for your benefit. 313 I have also written letters to the various cities, that all persons, whether freemen or slaves, who were sold under the spear by Gaius Cassius or his subordinates is to be freed, and I want you to avail of the favours granted to you by Dolabella and myself. Furthermore, I forbid the Tyrians to be violent towards you and order them to restore any Jewiss property they now occupy. I have also accepted the crown which you sent me."

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314 "Mark Antony, emperor, to the officers, council and people of Tyre, greetings. The envoys of the high priest and ethnarch, Hyrcanus, came to me in Ephesus and told me that you are occupying part of their country, which you acquired under the government of our opponents. 315 Since we have fought a war to obtain the leadership and have acted piously and justly in punishing those who had forgotten the favours they had received, and had broken their oaths, I want you to be at peace with our allies; and, that what you have taken with the help of our opponents shall not be reckoned as yours, but be returned to those from whom you took them. 316 For none of them got their provinces or their armies by gift of the senate, but they seized them by force and bestowed them by violence on those who helped them in their wrongdoings. 317 Now since these have been duly punished, we want our allies to retain without disturbance whatever they formerly possessed and that you restore all the places belonging to Hyrcanus, the ethnarch of the Jews, which you have held, even if only for one day before Gaius Cassius began an unlawful war against us and entered our province. Do not use any force against them to weaken them or prevent them from disposing of what is their own. 318 If you have any conflict with him about your respective rights, you may plead your case when we come to the places in question, for we shall safeguard all the rights and hear the cases of our allies."

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319 "Mark Antony, emperor, to the officers, council and people of Tyre, greetings. I have sent you my decree, and will that you have it engraved on the public tablets, in Roman and Greek letters and have it very publicly displayed, so as to be read by all. 320 Mark Antony, emperor, one of the triumvirate in charge of public affairs, declares: Since his revolt, Gaius Cassius has pillaged a province of our allies not belonging to him, which was held by military camps, and has pillaged and besieged as in war the nation of the Jews which is friendly towards the Roman people, 321 and since we have defeated his madness by arms, we now correct by our decrees and edicts what he has ravaged, that those things be restored to our allies. All Jewish property that was sold, whether bodies or goods, must be restored, the bodies to their former freedom and the possessions to their former owners. 322 I will that anyone who does not comply with this decree be punished for his disobedience, and if caught, I will see that the offender suffers the due penalty."

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323 Antony wrote the same to the Sidonians and the Antiochians and the Aradians. We have quoted these decrees to illustrate for the future the truth of what we have said, that the Romans showed great concern for our nation.

Chapter 13. [324-369]
Antony makes Herod and Phasael "tetrarchs." Herod's hardships from the Parthians; his flight to Masada

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324 When Antony later came into Syria, Cleopatra met him in Cilicia and got him to fall in love with her. At this time too, a hundred of the most influential Jews came to accuse Herod and his circle and assigned the most eloquent of them to speak. 325 But Messala spoke against them, on behalf of the young men, in the presence of Hyrcanus, who was already Herod's father-in-law. After hearing both sides at Daphne, Antony asked Hyrcanus who could best rule the nation, 326 and he answered, Herod and his friends. So Antony, because of the old hospitable friendship he had with their father when he was with Gabinius, made both Herod and Phasael tetrarchs and entrusted them with ruling the Jews and wrote letters to that purpose. He also imprisoned fifteen of their opponents and was going to kill them, but Herod had them pardoned.

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327 However, on their return these men did not stay in peace, but a thousand of the Jews came to meet Antony in Tyre where he was expected to come. But corrupted by the money Herod and his brother had given him, Antony ordered the ruler of the place to punish the Jewish envoys who were asking for change, and to settle the leadership on Herod. 328 Then Herod went out quickly along with Hyrcanus to meet them on the strand outside the city, and advised them to leave, for they would suffer great harm if they went on with their accusation, but they would not yield. 329 All of a sudden the Romans assaulted them with their daggers, killing some of them and wounding still more, and the rest fled away home and stayed quiet. When the people complained against Herod, Antony was so provoked that he killed the prisoners.

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330 In the second year, Pacorus, the son of the king of Parthia and Barzapharnes, general of the Parthians, captured Syria. Ptolemy, son of Mennaeus, was by now dead, and Lysanias his son succeeded him and made a pact of friendship with Antigonus, son of Aristobulus, through the satrap, who was of great help to him. 331 For Antigonus had promised to give the Parthians a thousand talents and five hundred women, if they could take the leadership from Hyrcanus and give it to him, and do away with Herod's group. 332 In fact he did not give them what he promised, but still the Parthians invaded Judea on his behalf, taking Antigonus with them. Pacorus went along the coastal area and general Barzapharnes through the centre. 333 The Tyrians kept Pacorus out, but the Sidontans and the Ptolemaians received him. Then Pacorus sent a troop of cavalry into Judea, to see the state of the country and to help Antigonus, sending also the royal wine-waiter, who had the same name as himself. 334 When the Jews who lived near Mount Carmel came to Antigonus and were ready to march with him into Judea, Antigonus hoped with their help to win part of the country, a place called Drymi. Then when some people joined them, they made a surprise attack on Jerusalem, and when even more had joined him, a big number gathered and came and besieged the king's palace. 335 When Phasael's and Herod's party came to help of the defender's, a battle was fought in the public square, and the young men beat their enemies and pursued them into the temple and sent some warriors into the adjoining houses to blockade them; but being short of support, these were burned within the houses, by the people who rose up against them. 336 Soon afterwards Herod took revenge on these rebels for this wrong, when he met them in battle and killed many of them.

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337 Though there were daily skirmishes, the enemy awaited the coming of the country people to the feast we call Pentecost. 338 When that day came, many thousands of the people were assembled around the temple, some armed and some not. Those who were present guarded the temple and the city, apart from the area round the palace, which Herod's men guarded with a few soldiers. 339 Phasael had charge of the wall, while Herod and a cohort charged out against the enemy in the suburbs and fought bravely and put to flight many thousands, some fleeng into the city and some into the temple and some into the outer fortifications that were in there; and Phasael also came to help him. 340 Now at the request of Antigonus, Pacorus the general of the Parthians had been let into the city with a few cavalry under pretext of quelling the rebellion, but in reality to help win him the leadership. 341 But now Phasael met him and received him kindly, and Pacorus urged him to go in person as envoy to Barzapharnes, but it was a trick. Suspecting no harm, Phasael was persuaded, though because of the treachery of these barbarians Herod did not agree, preferring to fight Pacorus and the invaders.

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342 Hyrcanus and Phasael went as envoys and Pacorus left with Herod two hundred cavalry and ten so-called freemen, and conducted the others on their journey, and when they reached Galilee, the officers of the cities there met them under arms. 343 At first Barzaphanes received them graciously and gave them gifts, though he later conspired against them, and Phasael and his cavalry were conducted to the sea-coast. When they heard there how Antigonus had promised the Parthians a thousand talents and five hundred women for helping him against them, they began to suspect the barbarians. 344 On top of this, someone told them that an ambush was laid for them by night, and that guards were secretly surrounding them, and that they would have been taken already except that they were waiting for the Parthians near Jerusalem to capture Herod before he could hear of their slaughter and so escape. That was their situation as they saw who was guarding them. 345 Some advised Phasael to ride off immediately and wait no longer, and Ophellius in particular urged this, for he had heard the plan from Saramalla, the richest Syrian of his time, who also promised to provide him ships to take him off, for the sea was beside them. 346 But he did not want to desert Hyrcanus, or put his brother in danger, so he went to Barzapharnes and told him he was wrong to make such a plot against them, and if he wanted money, he would give him more than Antigonus, and besides, it was horrible to murder people who had done them no harm and had come as envoys. 347 The barbarian swore that there was no truth in his suspicions, and that he was worrying about nothing but false rumours, and then went away to Pacorus.

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348 When the Parthians had left, some came and chaine up Hyrcanus and Phasael, who strongly rebuked the Parthians for their perjury. Now the eunuch who was sent against Herod had orders to get him outside the walls of the city and seize him, 349 but messengers were sent by Phasael to inform Herod of the Parthians' treachery. When he learned that the enemy had taken them, he went to Pacorus and the most powerful of the Parthians, as those in charge, 350 and although they knew about the whole matter, they were deceitful about it, and said he should come out to them outside the walls to meet those who were bringing him his letters, which had not been taken by his opponents, but were coming to tell him that Phasael was fine. 351 Herod did not trust them, for he had heard from others how his brother had been captured. The daughter of Hyrcanus, whose daughter he had espoused, also warned him, which made him still more suspicious of the Parthians, for although other people did not heed her, he trusted her as a woman of great wisdom.

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352 While the Parthians were wondering what to do, they did not think it wise to openly attack a man of his mettle and so postponed the decision to the next day. Herod was deeply anxious and rather inclined to believe the reports he heard about his brother and the Parthians than to heed what was said on the other side, so when darkness came he decided to avail of it to flee and wait no longer, as though the dangers from the enemy were not yet certain. 353 So he left with his warriors and put his wives on the pack-animals, and his mother and sister and his fiancée, the daughter of Alexander, son of Aristobulus, with her mother, the daughter of Hyrcanus and his youngest brother and all their servants and the rest of the people who were with him and went off to Idumaea, unknown to the enemy. 354 Nobody who saw him in this plight could be so hard hearted as not to pity him, as the women brought their infant children and left their own country and their friends in prison, with tears in their eyes and sad laments and expecting nothing but misfortune.

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355 But Herod focussed his thoughts above this unfortunate situation and despite his troubles was in good spirits and went round encouraging them all to take heart and not to give way to sorrow, for it would only slow down their flight, which was now their only hope of safety. 356 At his urging they tried to bear their plight patiently, but at one point when a waggon broke down and his mother's life was in danger, he was almost tempted to kill himself in his great concern for her and his fear that the enemy would overtake him on account of this delay. 357 As he was drawing his sword to kill himself, people nearby restrained him and prevailed over him by their numbers, saying that he must not desert them and leave them at the mercy of their enemies, for it was not right for a brave man to free himself from his own plight while ignoring his friends in theirs. 358 So he had to abandon his rash act, ashamed by what they said to him and because of the number of those who would not let him do what he proposed. So he revived his mother and cared for her as best he could at the time, and conntinued his journey with all speed to the fortress of Masada; and while he had many skirmishes with any Parthians who pursued and attacked him, he won them all.

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359 Neither was he safe from the Jews during his flight, for when he was well on his journey, sixty furlongs from the city, they attacked him and fought him hand to hand. 360 But these too he routed and defeated, not like a man in distress who was forced to fight, but one who was well prepared for war and with plenty of all he needed. In the very place where he defeated the Jews he later build a splendid palace surrounded by a city, and called it Herodium. 361 On reaching Idumaea, his brother Joseph met him at a place called Thressa and he discussed everything and what should be done in his situation, since he had many followers him, besides his mercenary soldiers, and Masada, the place to which he meant to flee, was too small to hold so great a crowd. 362 So he sent away most of his company, more than nine thousand, telling them to go off in various directions and to find safety in Idumaea, and gave them the price of provisions for their journey. He took with him those who were most lightly armed and were closest to him. When he reached the fortress he placed there his wives and his followers, in number eight hundred, and in the place there was a sufficient supply of corn and water and other essentials, while he continued onward for Petra, in Arabia. 363 When it daylight came, the Parthians looted the whole of Jerusalem and the palace and refrained from nothing but Hyrcanus's money, which was three hundred talents. 364 Most of Herod's money escaped them, mainly all that he had so prudently sent in advance into Idumaea. But what was in the city was not enough for the Parthians, for they went out into the country and looted it and demolished the city of Marissa.

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365 That is how Antigonus was brought back to Judea by the king of the Parthians and took Hyrcanus and Phasael as prisoners, but he was disappointed that the women had escaped, whom he had intended to give to the enemy, along with the money, as their reward. 366 Fearing that Hyrcanus, who was under guard by the Parthians, might have his kingdom restored to him by the people, he cut off his ears, thereby making sure that the high priesthood could never come to him, now that he was maimed, for the law requires the holder this dignity to be whole and entire. 367 One cannot but admire the fortitude of Phasael, who, knowing that he was to be executed, showed no fear of death but thought it bitter and disgraceful to be killed by his enemy in this way. As his hands were not free on account of his chains and he could not kill himself with them, he dashed his head against a great stone and so took his own life, which he thought the best thing to do in such a plight, with the enemy free to execute him in any way he pleased. 368 They say that when he had badly wounded his head, Antigonus sent physicians to cure it, but they poured poison into the wound and killed him. 369 It is also said that before Phasael gave up the ghost a woman told him that his brother Herod had escaped from the enemy, and so was very cheerful in the face of death because he was leaving behind one who would avenge his death and punish his enemies.

Chapter 14. [370-393]
Herod escapes to Egypt, then to Rome. Mark Antony helps him to become king of the Jews

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370 Undismayed by the scale of the hardships heaping upon him, Herod was spurred by them into remarkable action. He went to Malichus, king of Arabia, whom he had formerly treated very well, in order to receive something in return in his time of need, and asked him for money, either by way of loan or as a free gift, in return for all he had received from him. 371 Not knowing what had become of his brother, he was eager to buy him back from the hand of his enemies, and was prepared to pay three hundred talents to ransom him. He took with him Phasael's son, a child just seven years old, to serve as hostage to the Arabs, for the money. 372 But messengers came to him from Malichus, asking him to leave, since the Parthians had ordered him not to receive Herod. This was just his pretext so as not be obliged to repay him his debt, and he was further prompted to it by the Arabs, so as to cheat him of the money that Antipater had lodged with them. 373 He replied that he had not come to trouble them, but only to talk with them about matters very important to him.

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374 Eventually he decided to leave and wisely took the road to Egypt, and then lodged in a certain temple, where he had left many of his followers. The following day, he came to Rhinocolura and there heard what was happened to his brother. 375 Malichus soon repented of what he had done and sped after Herod, unsuccessfully, for he had gone a long way, and hurried to Pelusium, and when the ships that were moored there blocked him from sailing to Alexandria, he went to their captains, by whose help and for their great respect for him, he was brought to the city, where he was entertained by Cleopatra. 376 She could not persuade him to stay because he was in a hurry to Rome, despite the fact that the weather was stormy and that he heard that the situation in Italy was very rowdy and unsettled.

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377 From there he sailed to Pamphylia and being caught a violent storm, after the ship's cargo had been thrown overboard he barely made it ashore at Rhodes, where two of his friends, Sappinas and Ptolemeus, met him. 378 When he found the city much damaged by the war against Cassius, although he was in need himself he did not fail to help it and did what he could for its rebuilding. He built there a three-decker ship and from there set sail with his friends for Italy, arriving at Brundusium. 379 Getting from there to Rome, he first reported to Antony what had happened him in Judea and how Phasael his brother was taken and killed by the Parthians, and how Hyrcanus was their prisoner and how they had made Antigonus king, for promising them a thousand talents of money and five hundred women of the best families in the nation; how he had rescued these women by night, and how, amid many hardships, he had escaped the hands of his enemies. 380 He told how his own relatives shared his danger and were under siege and how he had sailed through a storm and risked its dangers to quickly reach him, who was his hope and only source of help.

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381 Antony felt pity at the change in Herod's condition, and made the usual reflection on how often it happens that people who reach such high dignity are subject to the changes of fortune, recalling his old friendship with Antipater. 382 He remembered how Herod had offered him money to make him king, as he had earlier given it to him to make him tetrarch, but even more, his hatred for Antigonus, whom he took to be a rebel and an enemy to the Romans, and was eager to give Herod the help he asked for. 383 Caesar too, because of his wartime experience alongside his father Antipater in Egypt, and the hospitality and favour he had always shown him, as well as to gratify Antony, who was strongly on Herod's side, was more than willing to raise Herod's rank and cooperate with his wishes. 384 Messala and Atratinus convened the senate and introduced Herod, dwelling on his father's good work and recalling his goodwill to the Romans. They also accused Antigonus of hostility, pointing out his former opposition and that he was now ignoring the Romans and accepting the throne from the Parthians. 385 This angered the senate and Antony came and told them it was to their advantage in the Parthian war for Herod to be king, and they all voted accordingly.

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386 This was the greatest sign of Antony's affection for Herod. Not only did he gain the kingship for him beyond his expectation - for he had not come intending to ask it for himself, not thinking the Romans would grant it to him, as they used to grant it to some of the royal family, 387 but planning to request it for his wife's brother, who was a grandson to Aristobulus by his father and to Hyrcanus by his mother - but he made it possible from him to leave Italy with this unexpected grant in as little as seven days. 388 Herod later made sure to have the boy [his grandson]
killed, as we shall tell in its proper place. When the senate adjourned, Antony and Caesar left with Herod between them, preceded by the consuls and other officers, to offer sacrifices and to deposit their decrees in the capitol. 389 Antony held a feast for Herod on the first day of his reign; and that is how he received the kingship, on the hundred and eighty-fourth Olympiad, when Gaius Domitius Calvinus was consul the second time, with Gaius Asinius Pollio.

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390 All during this time Antigonus was besieging the people in Masada, who had plenty of all other essentials and were only short of water. At length Herod's brother Joseph was planning to escape from it, with two hundred of his dependents, to the Arabs, for he had heard that Malichus repented of the wrong he had done to Herod. 391 But God prevented him from leaving by sending rain during the night, which filled their cisterns so that he had no need to escape on account of it. Now they were in better spirits too, since the sending of plenty of water when they needed it seemed a mark of divine Providence, so they made a sortie and fought hand to hand with Antigonus's soldiers, some in the open and some under cover, and killed many of them. 392 At the same time the Roman general, Ventidius, was sent from Syria, to drive out the Parthians, and pursued them into Judea, under pretext of helping Joseph, but in reality as a means of getting money from Antigonus. They encamped very near Jerusalem and took a lot of money from Antigonus. 393 Then he retreated with most of the army, but left Silo there along with some of his soldiers, that his absence might not be noticed. Antigonus sought Silo's friendship so that he would cause him no disturbance, but still held out hopes that the Parthians would return to defend him.

Chapter 15. [394-467]
Herod returns to Judea, to defeat Antigonus and win the kingdom

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394 By this time Herod had sailed from Italy to Ptolemais and had gathered a not inconsiderable army, both of strangers and of his own countrymen and marched through Galilee against Antignus. Silo and Ventidius took his side, persuaded by Dellius, who was sent by Antony to bring Herod back with him. 395 Ventidius was engaged in calming the disturbances caused by the Parthians in the cities, and Silo was in Judea, seduced by Antigonus. As Herod continued on his way, his army increased every day and all the Galileans, with few exceptions, joined him. 396 But as he wanted to head for Masada, to try to save his relatives who were under siege in that fortress, he was delayed by Joppa, for he first had to take that city opposed to him, that no stronghold might be left behind him in enemy hands when he went to Jerusalem. 397 When Silo made this a pretext for leaving Jerusalem and was immediately pursued by the Jews, Herod attacked them with a small group of men and routed the Jews and saved Silo, when he was hardly able to defend himself, and when Herod had taken Joppa, he hurried to free his relatives in Masada. 398 Some of the local people joined him because of their friendship for his father and some because of the splendid showing he made and others to repay the benefits they had received from both of them, but most came hoping for favours from him later, once his kingship was established.

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399 He gathered a strong force and as he progressed, though Antigonus set traps and ambushes in the passes and other suitable places he foresaw them, and they seldom or never harmed the enemy at all. 400 So Herod rescued his relatives from the fortress of Masada and Ressa and then headed for Jerusalem. The soldiers who had been with Silo accompanied him as did many of the citizens, fearing his power. 401 While he was camped to the western edge of the city, the soldiers guarding that side shot arrows and spears at him, 402 and when some sallied out in a crowd to fight hand to hand with the first ranks of Herod's army, he ordered them, first, to proclaim around the wall that he came for the good of the people and the safety of the city and would not bear any old grudge against even his most declared enemies, but would grant amnesty even to his greatest opponents. 403 Antigonus replied to Herod's proclamation in the hearing of the Romans and Silo it would be wrong to give the kingdom to Herod, a commoner and an Idumaean, that is a half Jew, when they should bestow it on one of the royal family, according to their custom. 404 If they now hated him and had decided to deprive him of the kingship for having received it from the Parthians, there were many others of his family who could legitimately assume it, who had in no way offended the Romans, and it would be wrong to set them aside as they were of the priestly family. 405 While they were saying this to each other and proceeding to recriminations Antigonus allowed his own men who were upon the wall to defend themselves; but the others shot with their bows and fighting with great courage, easily drove them from the towers.

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406 Silo was found to be venal, for he got a number of his soldiers to complain aloud of their lack of provisions and to demand money to buy themselves food, and to be allowed go to a proper place for winter quarters, since the places near the city were desolate, for Antigonus's soldiers had taken everything, so he set the army in motion and made to march away. 407 Herod pressed Silo not to depart and urged Silo's officers and soldiers not to desert him after being sent there by Caesar and Antony and the senate. He claimed he could provide their rations and that he could easily furnish more than they needed. 408 Immediately after making this request he went out into the country and left no pretext for Silo to leave, for he brought an unexpected amount of provisions and sent to those of his friends who lived around Samaria to bring down to Jericho corn, wine, oil and livestock and all other foodstuffs, that in future the soldiers would have no lack of them. 409 Antigonus knew about this and quickly sent people around the country to capture and ambush those who went out seeking provisions. They men obeyed his orders and gathered a large crowd of warriors near Jericho who took up position in the hills, to guard against the bringing in of provisions. 410 Meanwhile Herod was not idle for he took ten bands of soldiers, five of Romans and five of Jews, along with some mercenaries and a few cavalry and came to Jericho, and finding the city deserted apart from the five hundred of them who had settled on the hilltops with their wives and children, he took and dispersed them, but then the Romans attacked the city and when they found the houses full of all sorts of good things, looted it. 411 Leaving a garrison at Jericho the king returned and sent the Roman army to take up winter quarters in the areas that had come over to him, Judea and Galilee and Samaria. 412 All that Antigonus got from Silo for the bribes he gave him was that part of his army was quartered at Lydda in order to please Antony. So the Romans could lay aside their weapons and live amid plenty.

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413 Herod was not pleased with inactivity but sent out his brother Joseph against Idumaea with two thousand armed infantry and four hundred cavalry, while he himself came to Samaria where he left his mother and his other relatives after they had left Masada, and he went into Galilee, to take some places which were held by the garrisons of Antigonus. 414 As he reached Sepphoris, God sent a snowfall and Antigonus's garrison left quietly, and there he was well supplied with provisions. 415 From there he went on and decided to destroy the brigands who lived in the caves for they were a great plague upon the area. He sent against them a troop of cavalry and three companies of armed infantry, near a village called Arbela. 416 Forty days later, he came himself with his whole army: and as the enemy sallied out boldly against him the left wing of his army gave way, but he appeared with a troop and put to flight those who were already victorious and ??recalled his men who had fled. 417 He continued pursuing the enemy as far as the river Jordan, though they fled by different roads. In this way he won over all of Galilee except the inhabitants of the caves, and distributed money to each of his soldiers, giving them a hundred and fifty drachmae apiece and much more to their officers and the sent them to winter quarters. 418 Meanwhile Silo came to him with his officers because Antigonus no longer provided for them, for he supplied them only for a month and had then sent to all the region round about, ordering them to remove whatever food there was and retreat to the mountains, that the Romans might have nothing to live on and would die of hunger. 419 Herod entrusted the care of this matter to Pheroras, his youngest brother and told him to fortify Alexandreion. He quickly provided the soldiers needs in abundance and rebuilt Alexandreion, which had lain desolate.

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420 About this time Antony spent a while in Athens and Ventidius, who was now in Syria, sent for Silo and told him to help Herod to end the war and then to send for their allies to help them in their own struggle. 421 But Herod sent Silo back to Ventidius and went on his own against the brigands in the caves. 422 These caves were in very steep mountains in the middle of which were steep precipices, and the entrances to the caves were surrounded by jagged rocks and there the brigands lurked, with all their families. 423 The king had some large containers made, bound with iron chains, and hung from the top of the mountain by a mechanism, as with the steepness of the mountain it was impossible to get up to them, or to creep down to them from above. 424 These containers were filled with warriors, armed with grappling hooks to pull out any who resisted them and then throw them down and kill them. Letting the containers down was very dangerous because of the vast depth beneath them, and they brought their provisions with them. 425 When the containers were let down and none of those in the mouths of the caves dared to come near them, but stayed still in fear, until one of the soldiers, since they were so fearful and slow to come out, put on his sword and with both hands grabbed the chain by which the container was lowered and went into the mouth of the caves. 426 When he reached the mouth of any cave he first used spears on anyone there and later with the hooks pulled out those who resisted and tossed them down the precipices and later went into the caves and killed many more and then returned to the container to rest. 427 The others were terrified when they heard the screaming and they despaired of escaping. But as nightfall put an end to that day's action the king through a herald proclaimed a pardon for any who surrendered to him, and many accepted the offer. 428 The same method of attack was used the next day, and they went further and got out in baskets to fight them and fought them at their doors and threw fire in among them to burn their caves for there was a large amount of combustible matter inside. 429 One old man was caught within one of these caves, with seven children and a wife; these begged him to let them go out and surrender to the enemy, but he stood at the cave's mouth and killed any child of his who went out, until he had killed them all and after that he killed his wife and thrown the corpses down the precipice he himself went after them and so suffered death rather than slavery. 430 Before doing so he reviled Herod for his mean spirit, although the king had witnessed the deed and stretched out his hand offering him every security for his life. In this way all these caves were finally subdued.

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431 When the king had set Ptolemy as his general over those parts of the country, he went to Samaria with six hundred cavalry and three thousand armed infantry, intending to fight Antigonus. 432 But Ptolemy's leadership was not successful, for those who had earlier given trouble in Galilee attacked and killed him, and having done so, fled among the lakes and almost inaccessible places, laying waste and looting everything they could find. 433 But Herod soon returned and punished them killing some of these rebels and besieging others who had fled to the strongholds; and after demolishing their strongholds, he did away with the,. After putting an end to their rebellion, he fined the cities a hundred talents.

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434 Meanwhile Pacorus had fallen in a battle and the Parthians were defeated when Ventidius sent Macheras and two legions and a thousand cavalry to Herod's aid, with Antony hurrying him on. 435 At the request of Antigonus and against Herod's wishes, Macheras was lured by money to take his time and reconnoitre the situation, but Antigonus suspecting his reason for coming, did not let him into the city but kept him at a distance, hurling missiles at him and showing his intentions plainly. 436 Realising that Herod had given him good advice and that he had made a mistake not to listen to it he retreated to the city of Emmaus, and in his rage at the hardships he had endured killed any Jews he met, whether foes or friends. 437 Furious at this, king Herod went to Samaria intending to go to Antony about it and to tell him he needed no helpers like this, who harmed him more than his enemies, and that he could defeat Antigonus on his own. 438 But Macheras followed him and asked him not to go to Antony; or if he intended to go, to leave his brother Joseph with them and let them go on with fighting Antigonus. He gave in to Macheras' earnest pleas and left Joseph there with his army, with orders to run no risks, and not to quarrel with Macheras.

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439 He himself hurried with his troops, both cavalry and infantry, to the support of Antony who was then at the siege of Samosata on the Euphrates. 440 When he reached Antioch and found a group of men there who wished to join up with Antony, but were afraid to go because the barbarians were attacking and killing many people on the road, he bucked them up and became their leader for the journey. 441 Within two days' march of Samosata, they came to where the barbarians had set an ambush against those coming to Antony, where the woods narrowed the passes leading to the plains. There they set many of their cavalry, who were to keep quiet until those going through reached the place where horses could be used. 442 When the first ranks had passed through, with Herod bringing up the rear, the five hundred lying in ambush suddenly attacked them and when they had put the front ranks to flight, the king came riding hard with his entourage and immediately drove back the enemy, so that he heartened the minds of his men and emboldened them to go on, and those who had earlier fled now returned and the barbarians were slain on all sides. 443 The king went on killing them and recovered all the lost baggage, including many beasts of burden and slaves, and proceeded on with his march. 444 When attacked by many in the woods near the opening into the plain, he counter-attached with a stout squadron and routed them and killed many of them, thereby making the way safe for those who came after, and these called him their saviour and protector.

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445 When he was near Samosata, Antony sent out his army in their usual finery to meet him, to show Herod this respect for the help he had given him, as he had heard of the attacks of the barbarians on him. 446 Antony gladly welcomed his appearance, aware of his great exploits on the journey, and admired his courage, embracing affectionately the man he had recently appointed as king. 447 Antiochus soon surrendered the fortress, and so this war came to an end. Then Antony entrusted Sosius to help Herod and he himself left for Egypt. Accordingly, Sosius sent two legions on ahead into Judea to support Herod and he himself followed with the main army.

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448 Joseph had already been killed in Judea, in these circumstances: He forgot the instructions his brother Herod had given him as he was going to Antony, and after encamping among the mountains with the five regiments Macheras had lent him, he went quickly to Jericho intending to harvest the corn there. 449 But as his Roman regiments were only newly formed and unskilled in war, for most of them had been recruited from Syria, he was attacked by the enemy and caught in difficult terrain and not only was he killed himself, fighting bravely, but the whole army was lost, and six regiments were annihilated. 450 When Antigonus took the corpses, he cut off Joseph's head, which his brother Pheroras later ransomed for fifty talents. After this defeat, the Galileans rebelled from their officers and took and and drowned Herod's supporters in the lake and Judea became very rebellious, but Macheras fortified the place Gitta??.

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451 Meanwhile messengers came to Herod and told him of what had transpired and when he reached Daphne beside Antioch, they told him of the misfortune of his brother; which however he expected, from visions which had appeared to him in his dreams, clearly foreshowing his brother's death. 452 So he hurried his march and when he came to Mount Libanus he got the support of about eight hundred of the men from there, having already with him one Roman legion and with these he came to Ptolemais. He marched on from there with his army by night and proceeded through Galilee. 453 Here the enemy met and fought him and were defeated and blocked up in the same stronghold from which they had sallied out the day before. He attacked the place in the morning, but as a storm was violently raging, he could achieve nothing, so he withdrew his army into the neighbouring villages. Then when the other legion sent by Antony came help him, the garrison of the place grew afraid and deserted during the night. 454 Then the king marched quickly to Jericho, intending to take revenge on the enemy for the slaughter of his brother. There he pitched camp and made a feast for the leaders and when he had dismissed his guests after the meal, he retired to his own chamber. 455 Here one may see God's favour toward the king, for the roof of the house fell down but struck and killed nobody so that all the people believed that Herod was beloved of God, for escaping such a great and unexpected danger.

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456 The following day six thousand of the enemy came down from the mountain-tops to fight the Romans, which greatly terrified them, and the lightly armed soldiers came near and pelted the king's men with spears and stones and one of them hit him on the side with a dart. 457 Antigonus had sent against Samaria a general named Pappus, with some forces, to show the enemy how powerful he was and that he had men to spare in his war with them. He setled down to oppose Macheras, but Herod, after capturing five cities, took the two thousand survivors in them and killed them and after burning the cities, turned to go against Pappus. 458 The latter was encamped at a village called Isanas, where many joined him from near by Jericho and Judea, and so strong were the enemy at this time that they attacked and fought his men, but he defeated them and to avenge the slaughter of his brother, pursued them fiercely, killing them as they fled. 459 Since the houses were full of warriors, and many of them ran up to the tops of the houses, he got them into his power and pulled down the roofs of the houses and saw the lower rooms full of soldiers who were caught and lying in a heap. 460 They threw stones down upon them, killing them as they lay piled up; and there was no more frightful spectacle in all the war than this, where outside the walls an immense crowd of dead men lay heaped upon each another. 461 This action was what mainly broke the spirits of the enemy, who were now resigned to the sequel. A large number of people had come to the village from distant places but these ran away, and only that the depth of winter prevented them, the king's army, buoyed up by this success, would have reached Jerusalem and finished the whole operation, for Antigonus was already looking for any way to escape and leave the city.

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462 Then the king commanded that the soldiers to go to supper, for it was late at night, while he went into a chamber to bathe, for he was very weary, and here he encountered a major danger, which he escaped by the providence of God. 463 As he was naked and with only one servant in attendance while he was bathing in an inner room, some enemy warriors who had fled there in fear, were in the place, and as he was bathing, the first of them came out with his sword drawn and went out through the doors and after him a second and a third, likewise armed. They were in such a panic that they did not harm the king and thought themselves fortunate to have suffered no harm themselves in escaping from the house. 464 On the next day he cut off the head of Pappus who was already dead, and sent it to Pheroras in penalty for what their brother had suffered from him, for it was he who had killed him with his own hand.

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465 When Winter had abated Herod moved his army and approached Jerusalem and camped near the city on the third year after he had been appointed king in Rome. 466 Then he moved closer to where the wall could be attacked, and camped in front of the temple, intending to make his attacks in the same way as did Pompey. So he surrounded the place with three bulwarks and built towers and employed many hands for the work and cut down all the trees around the city. 467 After appointing suitable people to oversee the works, and leaving the army in camp he went off to Samaria to marry the daughter of Alexander, son of Aristobulus, to whom he was betrothed as I have already said.

Chapter 16. [468-491]
Herod marries Mariamne and takes Jerusalem. This ends Hasmonean rule in Judea

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468 After the wedding, Sosius went through Phoenicia, sending his army ahead of him through the middle of the country, and he, the general, was accompanied by many cavalry and infantry. The king himself came from Samaria with a considerable army, 469 adding to the about thirty thousand who were already there, and they all met outside the walls of Jerusalem and encamped at the north wall of the city, an army now totalling eleven infantry legions and six thousand cavalry, with other allies from Syria. The two generals were Sosius, sent by Antony as an ally, and Herod for his own sake, to take over power from Antigonus, who had been declared an enemy in Rome, and become king according to the decree of the Senate.

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470 The Jews within the city walls fought against Herod with great force and spirit, for the whole nation was assembled. Many prophecies about the temple and things to appeal to the people were declaimed, promising that God would deliver them from their present danger. 471 They had also robbed whatever was outside the city, to leave no food there for man or beast, and individual thievery made the lack of essentials even greater. 472 Noting this, Herod set ambushes in suitable places against their thieving and sent legions of soldiers to bring provisions from distant places, so that soon they had plenty of provisions. 473 Three walls were easily built, because so many hands were continually at work on them, for it was summer time and there was nothing, either the weather or any lack of workers, to hinder the building. Then bringing up their machinery they shook the walls of the city and tried in every way to take it. 474 But those inside showed no fear, and even built some machines to set against the enemy machines. They also made sorties out and burned not only the machines that were not yet completed, but even some that were. When they came hand to hand, they were no less brave than the Romans, though they were below them in skill. 475 They also set up new machines when the first ones were ruined, and tunnelling underground, they met each other and fought there. Relying more on raw courage than skill, they persisted in this war to the very last, although surrounded by a huge army and distressed by hunger and shortage of provisions, for it was a Sabbatical year. 476 The first to scale the walls were twenty picked men, and next came Sosius's centurions, and the first wall was taken in forty days and the second in fifteen more. Then some of the porticoes around the temple were burned, which Herod claimed were burned by Antigonus, in order to make him hated by the Jews. 477 When the outer court of the temple and the lower city were taken, the Jews fled into the inner court of the temple and to the upper city. Then, fearing that the Romans should stop them from offering their daily sacrifices to God, they sent envoys, asking to be allowed to bring in beasts just for sacrifice. This he granted, hoping that they were going to yield. 478 However, seeing them not doing as he expected, but strongly opposing him in order to keep the kingship for Antigonus, he attacked the city and took it by storm. 479 Very soon all parts were full of slaughter, from the rage of the Romans at the long duration of the siege and the zeal of the Jews on Herod's side, unwilling to leave any of their opponents alive. 480 There was bloodshed in the narrow streets and in the houses, crowds being killed as they fled to the temple for shelter and no pity taken of either infants or the aged, nor did they spare the weaker sex. Even though the king sent around imploring them to spare the people, nobody refrained from slaughter, but like madmen, they attacked persons of every age. 481 Then Antigonus, heedless of his past or present dignity, came from the citadel and fell down at the feet of Sosius, who took no pity of him in his change of fortune, but bitterly insulted him and called him "Antigone." Yet he did not set him free as a woman, but chained him and kept him under guard.

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482 After defeating his enemies, Herod's first care was to control the foreigners who had helped him, for the crowd of strangers rushed to see the temple and the sacred things in the temple. 483 Thinking that victory would be worse than defeat if they saw any of those things which it was not lawful to see, the king restrained them by pleas and threats and even by force. 484 He stopped them from ravaging the city and often asked Sosius if the Romans wished to empty the city both of money and people and leave him king of a desert, saying that he regarded even rule over the whole world as not enough to compensate for such murder of his citizens. 485 When the other said that it was right to allow the soldiers this looting after the siege they had endured, he replied that he would give each their reward from his own money. 486 In this way be reckoned to save what remained of the city from destruction, and he kept his promise by giving a decent gift to every soldier and a proportionate gift to their officers, but a most royal gift to Sosius himself, so that they all went away well rewarded.

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487 This calamity befell Jerusalem when Marcus Agrippa and Caninius Gallus were consuls of Rome, in the hundred eighty fifth Olympiad, on the third month, on the solemnity of the fast. It was as though a periodical cycle of troubles had returned since that which happened the Jews under Pompey, 488 for the Jews were captured by him on the same date, twenty-seven years earlier. When Sosius had dedicated a crown of gold to God, he marched away from Jerusalem, bringing Antigonus with him in chains to Antony, 489 but Herod was afraid that Antony might only keep Antigonus in prison and that when he brought him to Rome to answer to the senate, he could prove that as he was of royal stock while Herod was just a private citizen, his sons should be kings, due to their stock, despite his personal offence to the Romans. 490 Fearing this, he paid Antony a large amount of money to kill Antigonus, for after that Herod's fear could be set aside. And so the Hasmonean rule ended, a hundred twenty six years after it began. It was a splendid and distinguished house, ennobled by the high priesthood, and what their ancestors had done for our nation. 491 But through their internal strife they threw away the leadership, which passed to Herod the son of Antipater, who was from an ordinary private family in subjection to the monarchy. This is what history tells us of the end of the Hasmonean family.